G20 admits “Trump factor”: climate policy disagreement and blow to multilateral cooperation        

“In the end, the negotiations on climate reflect dissent – all against the United States of America,” Merkel told reporters at the end of the meeting Leaders from the world's leading economies broke with U.S. President Donald Trump on climate policy at a G20 summit on Saturday, in a rare public admission of disagreement and blow to multilateral cooperation.


          Bermudan double speak        
According to the Guardian: The Bermudan premier, Craig Cannonier, said: “I want to clarify that Bermuda is strongly committed to joining the multilateral convention on
Read the full article...
          Extending multilateral tax information exchange to the Cayman, the BVI and Bermuda is great news – if it’s more than a hollow gesture        
It’s been announced over night that, as expected, the so called G5 tax agreement – between the UK, France, Germany, Italy and Spain – is
Read the full article...
          Fascism and the Denial of Truth        
SUBHEAD: Party polarization and gridlock in the US have created unsolved issues amenable to a Trump demagogue.

By Thomas Scott on 30 July 2017 for Truth Out  -
(http://www.truth-out.org/opinion/item/41423-fascism-and-the-denial-of-truth-what-henry-wallace-can-teach-us-about-trump)


Image above: Cover art for song release of "Demagogue" by Franz Ferdinand. From (https://rateyourmusic.com/release/single/franz-ferdinand/demagogue/).

What is a fascist? How many fascists have we? How dangerous are they? These are the questions that the New York Times posed to Henry A. Wallace, Franklin Roosevelt's vice president, in April 1944.

In response, Wallace wrote "The Danger of American Fascism," an essay in which he suggested that the number of American fascists and the threat they posed were directly connected to how fascism was defined.

Wallace pointed out that several personality traits characterized fascist belief, arguing that a fascist is;
"one whose lust for money and power is combined with such an intensity of intolerance toward those of other races, parties, classes, religions, cultures, regions or nations as to make him ruthless in his use of deceit or violence to attain his ends."
Wallace also claimed that fascists "always and everywhere can be identified by their appeal to prejudice and by the desire to play upon the fears and vanities of different groups in order to gain power."

Fascists are "easily recognized by their deliberate perversion of truth and fact" (my italics), he contended.

Moreover, Wallace noted that fascists "pay lip service to democracy and the common welfare" and they "surreptitiously evade the laws designed to safeguard the public from monopolistic extortion."

Finally, Wallace identified that fascists' primary objective was to "capture political power so that, using the power of the state and the power of the market simultaneously, they keep the common man in eternal subjection."

Wallace was writing in the context of an existential threat to democracy posed by Nazi Germany, Italy and Japan.

However, his essay is prescient in that he identified the existence of a domestic form of American fascism that emerged from the political context of enlightened thought, rule of law and limited government. Wallace drew a clear distinction between European fascism and the kind of fascism found in the United States.

Rather than resort to overt violence, American fascists would "poison the channels of public information," Wallace reasoned. Likewise, he argued that American fascism was generally inert, not having reached the level of overt threat that it had reached in Europe.

Despite this, Wallace argued that American fascism had the potential to become dangerous to democracy under that appropriate context; one in which a "purposeful coalition" emerges based on "demagoguery."

British historian Karl Polanyi has written in his seminal book, The Great Transformation, that fascism can emerge in a society in reaction to "unsolved national issues."

Party polarization and gridlock in the US have created unsolved issues concerning health care, immigration reform and the "war on terror." These volatile issues, in turn, have created the perfect political context for a demagogue to emerge in the United States.

With the election of Donald Trump, the purposeful coalition Wallace feared may have evolved. Trump is the first US president who has been seriously associated with fascist ideology.

His coalition of white supremacists, xenophobes, plutocratic oligarchs and disaffected members of the working class have aligned with the mainstream Republican Party.

The coalition's political philosophy, rooted in reactionary populism and "American First" sloganeering, has quickly led to the United States' systematic withdrawal from global leadership.

Coupled with a disdain for multilateral collaboration, a rejection of globalization, and a focus on militarism and economic nationalism, Trumpism has taken the country down the perilous path of national chauvinism reminiscent of previous fascist states like Spain under Franco, Portugal under Salazar, or Peronist Argentina.

Unlike past Republican and Democratic presidents, Trump has disregarded long-standing traditions related to political protocol and decorum in the realm of political communication. He routinely makes unsubstantiated claims about political rivals, questioning their veracity and ethics.

Trump's claim that the Obama administration wiretapped his phones during the 2016 campaign and that Obama refused to take action regarding Russian meddling in the 2016 election, as well as Trump's incendiary tweets about federal judges who ruled against his executive orders on immigration, suggest a sense of paranoia commonly associated with autocrats.

Trump has demonstrated a fundamental ignorance of democratic institutions associated with the rule of law, checks and balances, and the separation of powers.

Common to autocratic leaders, Trump sees executive power as absolute and seems confounded when the legislative or judicial branches of government question his decisions.

Trump has seemed willing to ignore norms that are fundamentally aligned with US democracy: equality before the law, freedom of the press, individual rights, due process and inclusiveness.

Typical of all autocratic leaders, Trump has a deep-seated distrust of the media. Calling journalists "enemies of the people," Trump's incessant claims that media outlets like the New York Times and the Washington Post create "fake news" is a common attribute of authoritarian regimes.

In response to investigative reports that are critical of his administration, Trump engages in systematic tactics of disinformation. Trump has refined the art of evasion through communicating a multiplicity of falsehoods as a means of obfuscating charges of abuse of power and political misconduct.

The biggest dilemma for an autocrat is confronting the truth. Systematic strategies to implant misinformation have historically provided significant political dividends for demagogues.

From Trump's earliest forays in national politics, the truth was his biggest enemy.

Trump discovered in the 2016 campaign that the perpetuation of lies and deceit could be converted into political capital. Lying on issues actually generated support from Trump's political base, many of whom were low-information voters.

The hope by many that Trump would conform to traditional political norms once elected proved to be a chimera. Trump has obliterated the Orwellian dictum that lies are truth; in Trump's worldview, truth does not exist. It is seen as a political liability.

As president, the debasement of truth has become an important political strategy shaping much of his communication to the American public.

Purposeful deceit has become one of the primary means by which Trump energizes and excites his supporters. It is the catalyst that drives their emotional connection to Trump, who is insistent on "telling it like it is" and fighting for "the people" as a challenge to the political elite.

For Trump, facts mean nothing. They are contrary to the desires of his political base. Connecting to his base is visceral; intellectualism is the antithesis of Trump's immediate political objectives.

By denying the existence of truth-based politics, Trump solidifies his populist vision and perpetuates one of fascism's greatest mechanisms for acquiring absolute power: the force of emotion conquering the force of reason.

As Timothy Snyder states in his insightful book On Tyranny, "To abandon facts is to abandon freedom.

If nothing is true, then no one can criticize power, because there is no basis upon which to do so."

Seen in this light, empirical evidence based on scientific investigation is superfluous; public policy is only useful when it is connected to human emotion and desire.

This is all that matters in Trump's vision for the US. As such, facts and scientific research are a ruse, a tool of the elite designed to consolidate power over "the people" and discredit Trump's "America First" policies.

Truth is a necessity for democracy because citizens depend on truth-based decision-making to achieve reasoned judgments about public policy. In the Trump administration, the eradication of fact-based communication has normalized the denial of truth.

As a result, democracy is clearly under siege. Henry Giroux makes an excellent argument when he writes, "normalization is code for retreat from any sense of moral or political responsibility, and it should be viewed as an act of political complicity with authoritarianism and condemned outright."

All Americans should take heed of this point. History has provided ample evidence of how institutional and civic complicity with autocratic rule erodes democracy.

However, history has also demonstrated how engaged citizens can mobilize to resist this erosion.

]As Snyder argues, in order to confront autocracy, citizens need to become aware that democracy can disappear and mobilize to stop such a disastrous turn of events. In the age of Trump, there is no time for complacency.

.

          When did Canada go wrong on Israel/Palestine?        
A lot has been written in the subsequent weeks following Canada's strong stand and vote against Palestinian statehood at the United Nations. The government of Prime Minister Stephen Harper has stood shoulder-to-shoulder with Israel, in an almost intrinsic and essentialist stance. It is a relationship that Harper has said he would defend at any cost:




          Competing views of history        
I belong to a private facebook page that was created to discuss issues relating to generational theory.  It has a fairly broad range of opinion, including a few Trump acolytes.  The other day we got into a discussion of the nature of p.c. One poster, a bright young man who has just graduated from college, made the following comment to explain the modern leftism to which he has been exposed in college--but clearly without adopting it fully.  Keep in mind that the author is only 23, I believe, and probably has only some dim memories of Bill Clinton.  I have edited slightly just for readability. 

"Many view the progression from slavery -> Jim Crow -> what people call "New Jim Crow", as an all-around trajectory of progress.
Ta-Nehisi Coates views it as the culmination of an intentionally subtle and insidious web of formal and informal institutions descendant from slavery. Same with people who view crony capitalism and income inequality as more sophisticated incarnations of aristocratic and/or oligarchic systems from the past, designed to entrap citizens. Same with a Glenn Greenwald or Oliver Stone, who look at the military industrial complex + surveillance state + multilateral institutional architecture, and see an intentionally complex web of systems and institutions that entrench (what they call) Western imperialism and make it hard to step away from.

"A lot of it is based in Critical Theory/Marxism, which we discussed a ~month ago. Left philosophy/ideology is based in a goal of emancipation from old exploitative systems. Thus leftists (Coates, Stone, Greenwald) have far more cynical perspectives of America that say we're simply moving into more inconspicuous--thus unseen and difficult to prove to well-to-do decision-makers far away from issues of the underclasses-- incarnations of slavery in the social realm, an oligarchic + crony aristocracy in the economic realm, and imperialism in the foreign realm. You're right, it isn't the full story/perspective of history, but it is one side of the coin that we have to be aware of. It's why people on the left view incremental change as a non-starter. It's viewed as preserving or further entrenching descendant systems of: slavery, oligarchy, and imperialism.

"Imo, the tricky part is that those views of our social, economic, and foreign paradigms are more true than false. The part I've grown to criticize, is the inherent cynicism that accompanies this view of history. Coates says, we still have significant forms of oppression, inequality, and imperialism entrenched complex institutions; it's a tragedy that says exploitation is both feasible and profitable without much consequence. On one end, leftists may be driven to activism. On the other hand, leftists may say, "America is hopeless" while only despairing about our society without getting politically involved because the system is too icky to reformulate from the inside.

"Ideally for me, we'd recognize how complex and dichotomous America is, being conscious of our institutional history while not neglecting how we overcame/evolved beyond certain paradigms and behaviors. To me it's as simple as, positive and negative exists; it's part of life. In my more romantic view, challenges create stronger people and societies if we confront them without fear, but rather with an interest in creating success stories and improving life."


What struck me is that John had grasped the essential belief of Ta-Nehisi Coates, Oliver Stone, Glenn Greenwald, and many others: that the system is hopelessly rigged and always has been.  That is a slight oversimplification in Stone's case, at least, since he has made clear at various times that he thinks American history might have been very different if Henry Wallace had remained  Vice President in 1945, or if John F. Kennedy had not been assassinated. (For the record, I think things would have been quite different had JFK served out two terms in the short run but that we would probably be in about the same place now anyway.)  Coates, whose father was a Black Panther in the 1960s, has emerged as the Generation X's leading spokesman for black rage, in the tradition of James Baldwin (GI), Eldridge Cleaver (Silent), and Nathan MacCall (Boomer.)  Fame and fortune have if anything made him more shrill, and at a recent event on Harvard and slavery, he said,
“We talk about enslavement as though it were a bump in the road,” nd I tell people it’s the road, it’s the actual road.”  The idea that the United States is fatally flawed by original sins of racism, sexism, and homophobia is extremely popular in academia and has been eagerly embraced by many young protesters on campus.

My own view is close to John's, but I would put it differently.  Yes, racism has always existed in the United States and had terrible consequences, beginning with the introduction of slavery and continuing to this day.  Yes, corporate power has posed a potential or actual danger to liberty, as recognized by Presidents including Jefferson, Andrew Jackson, Teddy Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson, Franklin Roosevelt, and John F. Kennedy.  Yes, women could not vote until 1920 and did not begin to secure equal rights in the workplace until the 1960s.  Yet I would always keep two things in mind.

The first and most important is to take a broader historical perspective to place US history in the context of world history.  White males in Europe and the US did not invent racism, economic oppression, racism, homophobia, or imperialism.  All those phenomena have characterized all the major civilization that we have been aware of since the beginning of time.  Few, if any major ethic groups now live on land which they did not take from some one else. Economic inequality has been the norm, not the exception, for most of human history, especially among developed civilizations.  To get specific, in the context of western civilization, Ta-Nehisi Coates is wrong: slavery in North and South America was a detour from the road. It had been abolished in western Europe well before the 16th and 17th centuries, when settlers introduced it into the Americas.  They did not bring their slaves form Europe, but bought them in the very active slave markets of West Africa, where different tribes continually enslaved one another.  The United States fought a successful and very bloody war to abolish it, after most of the Latin American nations and the colonial powers in the Americas had already done so.

What distinguishes western civilization in general and the United States in particular is that they were the first civilization to develop a doctrine of equal rights, and to design institutions based upon it.  Of course their original application of the doctrine was limited to free men, but they did not state it in that way--certainly not in the US Constitution--and inevitably, excluded groups were going to demand the rights proclaimed in founding documents. The same drama played out rather rapidly in the European colonies elsewhere, as soon as South Asians, Vietnamese and Africans were educated in the principles of British and French liberty.  Unfortunately, very few young people learn much about the true history of civilizations before the modern era nowadays, and are more likely to learn about the hopeless defects of the West.  In the last 30 years colleges and universities have usually replaced Western Civ with World History, which often turns into the story of the west's exploitation of the rest of the world.

The history of the United States has in fact been divided into periods tending towards more democracy (1801-1836, 1861-1876, and 1901-1980) and those tending towards oligarchy and corporate power (1787-1800, 1877-1900, 1981 to the present.)  An understanding of those different periods would allow young people today to see where the wretched state of the nation is coming from and how it truly could be improved.  Instead, young people are being taught a Manichean view of a society based upon oppression, faced with a vision of a world free of all evil which colleges are trying to bring to life on their own campuses.  It is not surprising that so many young people (although not my young friend) are completely disillusioned with politics in general and politicians in particular, and even hope for a kind of Democratic Donald Trump--Tom Hanks, Oprah Winfrey, or Mark Zuckerberg--as a presidential candidate.

My young friend, whose opinions I have learned to respect over several years, has not given up hope for the US, although he thinks today's leftist view is "more true than false."  I agree that inequality and imperialism have been on the rise again, although I'm not so sure about racial inequality.  What he seems to understand, however, is that the pessimistic left wing view simply can't be the basis for an effective political movement.  Having seen it first emerge in the late 1960s, take over academia, and now become mainstream within a good deal of the media and the Democratic party, I think that that is true.  Liberalism has declined as leftists have lost all faith in it.  My friend does have some ideas of pursuing a career in politics and government, and I hope he does--armed with a true sense of the place of the US in world history and the possibilities for change its history offers.
           The Department of Finance Tax Strategy Group: Corporation Tax        
The Tax Strategy Group has published a paper giving an overview of the Irish corporate tax system including recent domestic and international developments such as BEPS Multilateral Instrument, EU Anti-Tax Avoidance Directives and the Common Consolid...
          On the supposed benefits of the EU - part 1        
As you may have noticed, I work in intellectual property - I act for clients in applying for patents and trade mark registrations.  That's an area where there has been a lot of European integration over the years, so in the light of the forthcoming referendum I'd like to offer my observations on the impact that has had on the UK and its businesses.  This is the first of two posts - in this post I'll look at timescales and costs, in part 2 I plan to look at some of the minutiae of EU trade mark practice to explain some of the effects of that on UK businesses that no-one ever highlights because no journalists or politicians really understand it.

Now, an unusual aspect of this field is that we do in fact have an interesting form of experiment.  In the field of patents, we have the European Patent Office ("EPO"), based in Munich but with offices in The Hague, Berlin and Vienna.  It is not an EU institution, but was created by nation states acting together to establish an international convention by which they chose to delegate authority to grant patents in their jurisdictions to a common body.  For Trade Marks (and registered designs), we have the soon-to-be-renamed Office for Harmonisation in the Internal Market (Trade Marks and Designs) (known as "OHIM") which acts a a central Trade Marks Registry covering the EU member states.  It is an EU body, created by a Commission Regulation.

Discussions as to setting up both offices started in the early 1970s.  The "European Patent Convention" was signed in 1973, and the EPO opened its doors to new applications in 1978.  From the start. the EU stated its intention to proceed more quickly by simply issuing a Regulation of its own that would get things off the ground long before a dedicated multilateral convention could be agreed.  OHIM was in fact set up in 1994, and opened to new applications in 1996.  So there is the first observable effect of the EU's involvement; a delay of 18 years.  In the time it took the EU to set up OHIM, I was conceived, born, educated (sort of), found a job, qualified as a patent attorney, and had almost become a partner in my business by the time I or anyone else was able to practice before the newly-formed OHIM.

So that deals with timescales, and the conclusion from the experiment is pretty clear - if you want something done quickly, do it yourself.  Don't ask the EU Commission to do it for you. 

So, onto costs (and related things).  The EPO is, in my professional view, a huge net benefit to applicants for patents.  As an organisation, it is by no means perfect and I have (from time to time) had some very sharp things to say about it and certain of its staff.  However, most of its staff are reasonable people who reach sensible decisions most of the time, and the cost of seeking patent protection across the European continent via the EPO is a tiny fraction of the cost of doing the same via the corresponding national systems.  The EPO's fees are on the high side (especially the renewal fees), but as it is an independent organisation, they lack any form of governmental subsidy and - when considered in relation to the standard of search and examination that they carry out - are generally reasonable and justifiable*.

OHIM, on the other hand, charge €900 for receiving an application online, looking at it and either (i) accepting it, waiting three months to see if anyone objects, and then issuing a certificate, or (ii) writing two letters to refuse it (both clearly based largely on standard templates).  By way of comparison, the UK Intellectual Property Office ("UKIPO") carries out a precisely equivalent process for £170.

I used to wonder why there was a difference.  In the EPO's case, the reason for the disparity between EPO and UKIPO fees is clear, as the EPO performs a much more thorough novelty search, has linguistics overheads that the UKIPO does not, and has a much more staff-intensive examination process so as to avoid national prejudices and ensure a more considered view of a patent application that is (metaphorically) carrying many more eggs in its basket than a single national application.  There is no obvious reason for this in OHIM's structure, though.  The budget surplus of nearly €300 million that OHIM had accumulated by 2008 did also suggest that its fees were unnecessarily high, too.

I've since realised why OHIM's fees are so high, and it's quite simple.  If OHIM charged (say) €250 for an application, who would ever file a national trade mark application?  Rather than just have a national right, if the cost was similar you'd get much better value by getting a right that covered the entire EU, wouldn't you?  Of course, then the national trade mark registries would all close as they would have nothing to do.  So OHIM's fees are a reflection of the fact that the EU's priority is in protecting civil service staff numbers - not helping business.  In every EU trade mark application they file, businesses are being charged a €650 tax to preserve civil service jobs.

This is a huge shame.  In OHIM, the EU had the opportunity to make a massive gift to businesses, allowing them to protect their brands at a fraction of the previous cost.  Yes, OHIM has made it cheaper and easier than it used to be before 1996, but much of the opportunity has been wasted.

If you want to look at it a different way, you could argue that the fee is set high so as to price out small businesses, forcing them to opt for narrower national rights, while allowing larger businesses to take EU-wide rights that are enforceable against those same small businesses.  Another way, then, that the cost and complexity brought by the EU's involvement discriminates in favour of the established large entities, against the SME businesses that might compete with them and disrupt their market, and contributes toward an inflexible, moribund European economy.

So, compared with the EPO, the EU's "help" in the field of trade mark protection succeeded in delaying the benefits of international cooperation by 18 years and then, when it came, denying much of the benefit  that it could have yielded and (instead) protecting civil service jobs and extracting as much cash as possible out of businesses.

So the conclusion on these issues is clear - we're better off out.  European countries can (and have) come together as nation states to set up the structures that we need, and doing it that way is quicker and better. 

*except maybe the renewal fees... they would ideally come down a bit, or be got rid of completely, I reckon. 
          Android Tv Mbox M8s Quad Core 2gb Ram 8gb Rom        
Cuentas con varios televisores en casa pero ninguno de ellos Smart TV?. Actualmente los smart tv se han convertido en una herramienta util para poder sincronizar redes sociales y revisar contenido multimedia cuando lo necesites, muchos del los smart tv son lentos y limitados a las aplicaciones ofrecidas. Pero ahora puedes disfrutar de toda la libertad y comodidad que ofrece el Android tv Box M8S, este dispositivo cuenta con un sistema android (kitkat 4.4) tal y como lo utiliza tu smarthphone, con el android TV BOX M8S puedes disfrutar sin limite de tiempo, en el momento y horario que tu necesitas de todo el contenido multimedia, redes sociales (facebook, twiter, skype), juegos y un sin fin de aplicaciones que puedes descargar desde playstore. Su potente procesador de cuatro nucleos (2GHz), su procesador de video incorporado GPU (Octo-core mali-450), y sus 2GB de memoria RAM DDR3, lo convierten en un dispositivo veloz y capas de reproducir videos de alta definicion 4K. Caracteristicas generales: 1.CPU: Amlogic S812 Quad Core 2GHz (Cortex-A9) 2.GPU: Octo-Core Mali-450 3.RAM: DDR3 2GB 4.ROM: 8GB NAND FLASH 5.Memoria expandible: Micro SD Card (soporta hasta 32GB) 6.Antenna: Antena Wifi Incorporada 7.KODI Cargado Completamente 8.Varias aplicaciones famosas preinstaladas. Mas Informacion (Especificaciones tecnicas): Chipset AML8726-S-812 quad-core cortex-A9 frequency :2.0G GPU Mali-450 8-Core GPU FLASH 8GB NAND FLASH SDRAM 2GB DDR3 Power Supply Specifications Power Supply DC 5V/2A Power Indicator (LED) Power ON :blue; Standby :Red Main Features OS Android 4.4 KODI KODI Fully Loaded WIFI Dual channel WIFI 2.4GHz/5.0GHz bluetooth Support 3D Hardward 3D graphics acceleration Support Decoder format HD MPEG1/2/4,H.264, H.265.HD AVC/VC-1,RM/RMVB,Xvid/DivX3/4/5/6 ,RealVideo8/9/10 Support Media format Avi/Rm/Rmvb/Ts/Vob/Mkv/Mov/ISO/wmv/asf/flv/dat/mpg/mpeg Support Music format MP3/WMA/AAC/WAV/OGG/AC3/DDP/TrueHD/DTS/DTS/HD/FLAC/APE Support Photo format HD JPEG/BMP/GIF/PNG/TIFF USB host 2 High speed USB 2.0,support U DISK and USB HDD Card reader SD/SDHC/MMC cards HDD file system FAT16/FAT32/NTFS Support Subtitle SRT/SMI/SUB/SSA/IDX+USB High Difinition video output SD/HD max.1920x1080 pixel OSD type of languages English/French/German/Spanish/Italian/ etc multilateral languages LAN Ethernet:10/100M, standard RJ-45 Wireless Built in WiFi Mouse/ Keyboard Support mouse and keyboard via USB;Support 2.4GHz wireless mouse and keyboard via 2.4GHz USB dongle HDMI HDMI 1.4 up to 1080p 4K2k hd decoding 4k2k H.264 H.265 Video Decode and 4k2k Output 1080P Support AV Support Dolby Support 3G Support SPDIF/IEC958 Coaxial Software Specifications Network Function Skype chatting,Picasa,Youtube,Flicker,Facebook,Online movies,etc Other feature Free Internet searching,thousands of android applications,many kinds of games,etc.
          Killing us softly         

A recent public outcry in China, sparked by a damning documentary about air pollution, was based on well-founded fear:

Of the 100 million people who viewed the film on the first day of its online release, 172,000 are likely to die each year from air pollution-related diseases, according to regional trends.* 

Worldwide, pollution kills twice as many people each year as HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis combined,** but aid policy has consistently neglected it as a health risk, donors and experts say. 

Air pollution alone killed seven million people in 2012, according to World Health Organization (WHO) figures released last year, most of them in low and middle-income countries (LMICs) in the Asia Pacific region.*** 

In a self-critical report released late last month the World Bank acknowledged that it had treated air pollution as an afterthought, resulting in a dearth of analysis of the problem and spending on solutions. 

“We now need to step up our game and adopt a more comprehensive approach to fixing air quality,” the authors wrote in Clean Air and Healthy Lungs. “If left unaddressed, these problems are expected to grow worse over time, as the world continues to urbanise at an unprecedented and challenging speed.”

A second report released last month by several organisations – including the Global Alliance on Health and Pollution, an international consortium of UN organisations, governments, development banks, NGOs and academics – also called for more funding towards reducing pollution. 

“Rich countries, multilateral agencies and organisations have forgotten the crippling impacts of pollution and fail to make it a priority in their foreign assistance,” the authors wrote. 

Housebound in China 

A dense haze obstructs visibility more often than not across China’s northern Hua Bei plain and two of its major river deltas. Less than one percent of the 500 largest cities in China meet WHO’s air quality guidelines. Anger over air pollution is a hot topic among China’s increasingly outspoken citizenry.  

“Half of the days in 2014, I had to confine my daughter to my home like a prisoner because the air quality in Beijing was so poor,” China’s well-known journalist Chai Jing said in Under the Dome, the independent documentary she released last month, which investigated the causes of China’s air pollution.

The film was shared on the Chinese social media portal Weibo more than 580,000 times before officials ordered websites to delete it. 

Beyond the silo

Traditionally left to environmental experts to tackle, the fight against pollution is increasingly recognised as requiring attention from health and development specialists too. 

“Air pollution is the top environmental health risk and among the top modifiable health risks in the world,” said Professor Michael Brauer, a public health expert at the University of British Columbia in Canada and a member of the scientific advisory panel for the Climate and Clean Air Coalition, a consortium of governments and the UN Environment Programme. “Air pollution has been under-funded and its health impacts under-appreciated.”

Pollution – especially outdoor or “ambient” air pollution – is also a major drag on economic performance and limits the opportunities of the poor, according to Ilmi Granoff, an environmental policy expert at the Overseas Development Institute, a London-based think tank. It causes premature death, illness, lost earnings and medical costs – all of which take their toll on both individual and national productivity.

“Donors need to get out of the siloed thinking of pollution as an environmental problem distinct from economic development and poverty reduction,” Granoff said. 

Pollution cleanup is indeed underfunded, he added, but pollution prevention is even more poorly prioritised: “It’s underfunded in much of the developed world, in aid, and in developing country priorities, so this isn’t just an aid problem.”

Mounting evidence 

Pollution kills in a variety of ways, according to relatively recent studies; air pollution is by far the most lethal form compared to soil and water pollution. 
 

Microscopic particulate matter (PM) suspended in polluted air is the chief culprit in these deaths: the smaller the particles’ size, the deeper they are able to penetrate into the lungs.  Particles of less than 2.5 micrometres in diameter (PM2.5) are small enough to reach the alveoli, the deepest part of the lungs, and to enter the blood stream.  

From there, PM2.5 causes inflammation and changes in heart rate, blood pressure, and blood clotting processes - the precursors to fatal stroke and heart disease.  PM2.5 irritates and corrodes the alveoli, which impairs lung function - a major precursor to chronic obstructive pulmonary disease. It also acts as a carcinogen.

Most research looks at long-term exposure to PM2.5 but even studies looking at the hours immediately following bursts of especially high ambient PM2.5 (in developed countries) show a corresponding spike in life-threatening heart attacks, heart arrhythmias and stroke.

Asia worst affected

The overwhelming majority - 70 percent - of global air pollution deaths occur in the Western Pacific and Southeast Asia regions.  South Asia has eight of the top 10 and 33 of the top 50 cities with the worst PM concentrations in the world.  

 

WHO says a city’s average annual PM levels should be 20 micrograms per cubic meter.  But cities such as Karachi, Gaborone, and Delhi have yearly PM averages above 200 micrograms per cubic meter. 

The main source of PM2.5 in indoor air, or household air, is burning solid fuels for cooking and heating, using wood, coal, dung or crop leftovers - a common practice in rural areas of low and middle-income countries that lack electricity.  

Almost three billion people live this way, the majority in the densely populated Asia Pacific region: India and China each hold about one quarter of all people who rely on solid fuels. For these people, the daily average dose of PM2.5 is often in the hundreds of micrograms per cubic meter. 

Filling the gaps

Unlike many other health risks air pollution is very cost-effective to address, Brauer said. Analysis of air quality interventions in the US suggests a return on investment of up to $30 for every dollar spent. 

“We already know how to reduce these risks, as we have done exactly that in high income countries, so this is not a matter of searching for a cure - we know what works,” he said.

But the World Bank report said that unless it starts gathering better data on local air quality in LMICs, the amounts and sources of air pollution and the full gamut of its health impacts, “it is not possible to appropriately target interventions in a cost-effective manner.”

Granoff said there are also gaps in government capacity to monitor, regulate and enforce pollution policy. 

Beijing hopes to bring PM2.5 concentrations down to safe levels by 2030, and has said it will fine big polluters. 

The World Bank report said China is also charging all enterprises fees for the pollutants they discharge; establishing a nationwide PM2.5 monitoring network; instituting pollution control measures on motor vehicles; and controlling urban dust pollution.

But enforcing environmental protections has been a longstanding problem in China.

“Pollution policy will only succeed if citizens are aware of the harm, able to organise their concern [through advocacy campaigns], and have a responsive government that prioritises public welfare over the narrower interests of polluting sectors,” Granoff said. 

While more people die from household air pollution than from ambient air pollution, the latter – through vehicles, smokestacks and open burning – still accounted for 3.7 million deaths in 2012, according to the WHO. 

A change in the air

Kaye Patdu, an air quality expert at Clean Air Asia, a Manila-based think tank - and the secretariat for the UN-backed Clean Air Asia Partnership, comprising more than 250 government, civil, academic, business and development organisations - said the aid community is finally starting to recognise the importance of tackling air pollution.  

• Last year’s inaugural UN Environment Assembly adopted a resolution calling for strengthened action on air pollution.  
• WHO Member States are planning to adopt a resolution on health and air quality at the upcoming World Health Assembly in May. 
• The proposed Sustainable Development Goals, which will set the post-2015 international development agenda, address city air quality and air, soil and water pollution. 

None of the experts IRIN contacted could provide a breakdown of total aid spending on all forms of toxic pollution (air, water and soil pollution that is harmful to human health).  So IRIN asked each of the major global donors for their figures.  

Three responded.  

A back-of-envelope calculation of all reported spending on toxic pollution by USAID, the European Commission and the World Bank suggests that between them they committed about US$10 billion over 10 years. This does not include aid spending on the diseases that pollution causes. The World Bank’s spending figures eclipsed those of other the other donors. 

By very rough comparison, HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis, with half the death toll of air pollution, received $28 billion via public sector commitments to the Global Fund – the world’s largest financier of programs that tackle these diseases – over the same period, a fraction of total spending on these diseases. 

gh/ha/bp

*Based on WHO statistics for per capita mortality rates in the Western Pacific region in 2012. 

**The mortality figures for air pollution come from 2012 statistics and were released by WHO in 2014, while the figures for the infectious diseases come from 2013 statistics and were released by the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation in 2014 (the Global Burden of Disease study).

***Includes deaths from both household air pollution (4.3 million) and ambient air pollution (3.7 million): the combined death toll is less than the sum of the parts because many people are exposed to both. 

For more: 

The relationship between household air pollution and disease

Ambient air pollution and the risk of acute ischemic stroke 

Cardiovascular effects of exposure to ambient air pollution 

Particulate air pollution and lung function  

Long-term exposure to ambient air pollution and incidence of cerebrovascular events: Results from 11 European cohorts within the ESCAPE Project  

OECD's The Cost of Air Pollution report
 

101285 200901271.jpg Analysis Health Killing us softly Gabrielle Babbington IRIN HONG KONG Congo, Republic of Djibouti DRC Eritrea Ethiopia Kenya Rwanda Somalia Sudan Tanzania Uganda Angola Botswana Lesotho Madagascar Malawi Mauritius Mozambique Namibia Seychelles South Africa Swaziland Zambia Zimbabwe Benin Burkina Faso Cameroon Cape Verde Chad Côte d’Ivoire Equatorial Guinea Gabon Gambia Ghana Guinea Guinea-Bissau Liberia Mali Mauritania Niger Nigeria Sao Tome and Principe Senegal Sierra Leone Togo Colombia Haiti United States Bangladesh Cambodia Indonesia Iran Kazakhstan Kyrgyzstan Lao Peoples Democratic Republic Myanmar Pakistan Papua New Guinea Philippines Samoa Sri Lanka Tajikistan Thailand Timor-Leste Uzbekistan Vanuatu Vietnam
          Ð’семирный банк будет пользоваться системой ProZorro для закупок в Украине        

Всемирный банк завершил оценку функционирования электронной системы публичных закупок ProZorro Как сообщили в пресс-службе Минэкономразвития, это нужно было для того, чтоб проверить, соответствует ли ProZorro требованиям Многостороннего банка развития (MDB — Multilateral Development Bank) о проведении электронных публичных закупок с использованием механизмов электронных реверсивных аукционов. В министерстве объясняют, что электронный реверсивный аукцион — это электронная […]

Запись Всемирный банк будет пользоваться системой ProZorro для закупок в Украине впервые появилась PaySpace Magazine.


          Move Over World Bank: Bilateral Institutions Lead Investment Beyond the Grid        
Photo courtesy of GSMA While investments are continuing to flow into beyond the grid clean energy markets, most public institutions are missing in action. The Sierra Club and Oil Change International recently released an assessment of multilateral development banks’ (MDBs)...
          OECD Tax man ready to change blacklisting rules on Panama        

FINANCIAL AFFAIRS

OECD says Panama pledge a positive step

The country faces a review on its financial services sector by the Global Forum.


Following the announcement of President Juan Carlos Varela on the commitment of Panama to exchange financial information, the director of the Center for Fiscal Policy and Administration of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) Pascal Saint-Amans acknowledged that the pledge is a step forward for Panama but said the country still has a long way to go.
Saint-Amans spoke with La Prensa during the annual meetings of the International Monetary Fund and World Bank, which concluded yesterday in Lima, Peru. The following are questions and answers from the interview.
What do you think of Varela's pledge?
It is a good step forward. In October of last year, 94 countries committed themselves to the automatic exchange of information. They pledged to implement the standard. Panama was one of the few jurisdictions that did not make the pledge, along with Bahrain, the Marshall Islands, Vanuatu and Nauru, with Panama being the only significant financial center.
Panama said it would exchange information, but that it would not accede to a multilateral convention. what is your opinion of that?
From a legal point of view, once a commitment is made, it has to be implemented. To share information, it can be done through a multilateral convention, or it can be done bilaterally. In that case, one should move fast if you want to grant the exchange of information to all interested countries that meet the standard of confidentiality.
Do you think that Panama will pass to the second phase of the review of its jurisdiction?
The peer review, which includes 30 countries, has made that recommendation to the Global Forum, which has until the end of October to decide. I think it was premature of Panama to announce that, as it broke the rules of confidentiality. It is more than likely, but who knows. There are members of the Global Forum who are not in the peer review group. We have to wait for the Global Forum, which is the sole decision-making body in this matter. In substance, it is true that the members of the review group have recognized some progress that was made in Panama.

Varela said that debate on the exchange of information should be conducted in the UN. Do you agree?
It is an opinion I respect completely. But in this case, there are 127 jurisdictions, including Panama, that are members of the Global Forum. What matters is that all countries are equal. No longer is the OECD a group of countries dictating what rules other countries have to make.
In Panama there is a concern because the steps demanded by the OECD could hurt the competitiveness of the financial services industry. Do you agree?
It is not true. Because all countries have moved. What happens is actually the opposite. Panama won a competitive advantage by not conforming. That is why other countries think that the situation is very unfair because Panama is receiving money that they have lost. The perception in Panama is really different from the perception outside.
Do you think that those flows of money look to hide the funds from tax authorities?
The reviewer group will decide that. But that's basically what we heard from the banking industry.
In the country there is a sense that a double standard is used. That the United States is not required to provide information with the same level of transparency that it demands from Panama. Is that a fair statement?
The rules are the same the United States is expected to act with reciprocity with any other country. Look at the review of the United States. It has a mark in regards to beneficiaries and they have to change. Currently they are providing required information, but not enough


- See more at: https://ssl.prensa.com/suscdigital

See also 
More Pascal Saint-Amans statements in Panama: Profits for two men and a dog http://mypanamalawyer.blogspot.com/2015/07/panama-profits-for-two-men-and-dog.html
The Economic Case for Tax Havens http://mypanamalawyer.blogspot.com/2014/10/the-economic-case-for-tax-havens.html




          Gobierno es el origen de los rumores        

En vista de la persecusión política y violación de la libertad de expresión de la que está siendo victima mi padre, llamado a comparecer ante un alguacil por denuncia interpuesta por NN, para ser encarcelado como ha pedido expresamente su majestad el dictador democrático, me permito a continuación a reproducir la entrevista del viernes 03/27 en Contacto Directo con Augusto Tandazo sobre el rol del gobierno como fuente de los rumores sobre el inminente final de la dolarización y el manejo pendenciero y estúpido del gobierno que debilita la dolarización.

Entrevista con Lenin
Artieda (e) a Analista Augusto Tandazo (AT) en Contacto Directo(03/27/09)


E. Sancionar a quienes se inventaron, Rómulo López Sabando sacó un artículo hace dos días
pero el rumor venia corriendo desde antes, desde cuando escucho usted Augusto
Tandazo, buenos días.


 


AT. Buenos
días, muchas gracias por la invitación. Mire este es un tema de Ripley
definitivamente, el gobierno va a tener el gobierno  que indagarse y llevarse a enjuiciamiento a si
mismo. Le he traído unas pocas perlas porque de esto hay un buena tonelada de
documentación.  El 30 de noviembre el
señor presidente declara lo siguiente, critico el uso del dólar para las
transacciones comerciales en la región y los ingresos por señoreaje a favor de
Estados Unidos el país emisor y luego dijo porque tenemos que defender una
moneda extrarregional  que además
significa que dependamos de un país extranjero agregó.  Luego dijo en la reunión del Alba que tuvo
lugar a fines de noviembre, esta es una información, por si acaso, de diario el
Telégrafo, diario oficial, entonces no puede decir que esto lo dice la gente
que desinforma.  Dice el diario oficial
el presidente Correa planteó además la posibilidad de implementar de inmediato
una moneda contable. Que explico permitiría a la región el intercambio
comercial sin necesidad de usar una moneda extranjera como el dólar.  Y luego cuando planteo sus 3 puntos de la
arquitectura que está planteando, dice el tercero es una coordinación monetaria
que incluye mecanismos de compensación reciproca y una moneda contable como
preámbulo, como preámbulo de una moneda física.


 


E. (interrumpe) No y ejemplos como esto tenemos todos los sábados y si
tenemos suerte además una vez entre semana, entonces el responsable.


 


AT No
permítame


 


E (sigue interrumpiendo) El presidente de la república es el responsable
de los rumores es esto lo que nos quiere decir?


 


AT Déjeme
terminar con dos datos que son importantes, dijo la señora ministra dijo hace
pocos minutos que la economía no está en riesgo.  Ministro coordinador de la política del
Ecuador  Pedro Páez 3 de Octubre la
Economía Ecuatoriana está en riesgo.  Que
dijo el señor Presidente en el mismo diario el Telégrafo mire esto sobre la
dolarización  8 de febrero del 2009,
aprovechó para hablar nuevamente  de la
dolarización a la que consideró una cantinflada, para el Presidente la
dolarización es una cantinflada y luego dijo, las monedas nacionales son el
símbolo de la soberanía, este país defiende la soberanía por lo tanto el dólar
se va abajo.  Pensar que ahora Ecuador no
tiene moneda nacional y en vez del rostro el perfil del Mariscal de Ayacucho
Antonio José de Sucre y ahora  tenemos la
foto un ilustre cuyo nombre es impronunciable para la mayoría de los
ecuatorianos, recalcó Correa.  El
ministro actual de finanzas, declara ante todos los medios, todos no se pueden
haber equivocado a la vez, el 27 de febrero y dice la dolarización está
flaqueando en el Ecuador.  Entonces quien
está poniendo en tela de duda, que el tema de la dolarización esta atravesando
un severo momento, es los funcionarios del gobierno.  Entonces porque no lo enjuician al ministro
de finanzas, al ex ministro coordinador de la política económica, al Presidente
de la república pero claro si el es el que le está dando golpes de chanfle a la
dolarización desde hace un tiempo.


 


E. Pero esto forma parte del discurso revolucionario del siglo XXI de
este socialismo abstracto que dice una cosa pero que hace otra que por un lado
critica la dolarización que por otro se regocija de que el precio del petróleo
este subiendo de a poco y que las importaciones pese a las medidas tomadas no
decrezcan .


 


AT, Claro
que si pero de todas maneras como estamos en una campaña electoral interminable
que esto  empezó hace tiempo, pues estos
rumores los propagan también porque también hay determinados segmentos de la
población que creen que la defensa de la soberanía (como lo dice el presidente)
está en función de botar abajo el dólar. 
Entonces dejen de hablar demasiado y mucho más en temas delicados como
son los de la economía  y apuntalen la
economía porque ese es el grave problema. 
Mire uste que el presidente del Central dice algo muy importante, Carlos
Vallejo.  Y lo dice hace menos de una
semana, Carlos Vallejo dijo a la prensa que un país dolarizado como Ecuador no
tiene otra oportunidad para afrontar la crisis que apuntalar el sector externo
de su economía, recetario casa afuera pero casa adentro hoy  el Ministro de Petróleo acaba de anunciar que
va a reducir en 18000 barriles la producción petrolera del Ecuador y en 20000
barriles la producción petrolera de las privadas atendiendo una cuota de la
OPEP.  Eso es un crimen en el momento
actual que está viviendo la economía, el Ecuador no tiene nada que hacer en la
OPEP.


 


E. Ahora usted cree realmente que existe una intención gubernamental
para salir de la dolarización.


 


AT, Mire yo
creo que al gobierno nunca le gusto el dólar, porque además fue parte de la
campaña, el decir que el país estaba dolarizado y que esto afectaba la
soberanía y que el país no tenía herramientas para construir su desarrollo.  Pero hay elemento importante el Presidente
declaro el 18 de octubre del 2008 ante el diario Hoy, si el del crudo baja
Ecuador no se pagara la deuda.  El tema
es fundamental económico, pero en el manejo de la deuda se lo manejó torpemente
porque a la vez pelearse contra la banca comercial, contra la banca
multilateral y contra los países, los pocos países que nos prestaban dinero fue
una torpeza.  El mismo Presidente en
declaraciones del 24 de diciembre dice en el comercio.  El jefe de estado reconoció que las líneas de
financiamiento comercial se cerraron como consecuencia de la declaración del
default del pago de la deuda de los bonos global incluso para el sector
privado.   De tal manera en que en
momentos que el mundo entra en una crisis monumental en donde el principal componente
es la restricción del crédito internacional el Ecuador abrió semejante boquete
en términos de la deuda externa.  Pero va
a tener que recular.


 


e. Como lo ha hecho en ocasiones anteriores, a eso es a lo que me
refiero, una cosa es lo que se dice y otra es lo que hace lo cual deja medianamente
claro que no hay intención en firme de salir de la dolarización que es puro
blof.  Que el cuento de la moneda
soberana es blof. 


 


AT.  Pero mire en lo que va a caer el gobierno en
los próximos días. Le dijo al país que la deuda es ilegal e ilegitima.  Si es ilegal e ilegítima no es ilegal e
ilegitima en un 10% 15% 30% 50% o es ilegal o ilegitima o no lo es.  Pero este fin de semana en Medellín en la
reunión del BID el Ecuador anuncia un plan que va a plantear que va a
reestructurar la deuda.  La pregunta es
va a reestructurar la deuda ilegal e ilegitima, porque si es ilegal e ilegítima
que va a reestructurar?  Otro dato Lenin
que es el siguiente, la deuda estaba hasta hace una semana en el valor de los
bonos global 12 en el 29.5 % del valor nominal y los bonos 2030 en 28.5% .  El solo hecho de que el Ecuador anuncie un
plan de restructuración de la deuda, ya los bonos subieron eso es especulación
y de eso el gobierno a través del informe de la comisión auditora de la deuda culpa
como una infracción incluso penal culpa a los anteriores gobiernos.  En cuanto va a reestructurar esa deuda en más
de ese valor que está este momento el precio de los bonos. Se va ensartar en
sus propias aseveraciones.


 


  1. Únicamente si el gobierno
    genera confianza, a través de comportamientos económicos adecuado, genera
    confianza entre los actores, entre los diversos actores del mercado es la
    única manera de salvar la dolarización. 
    Independiente de quien sea el jefe de estado si es de izquierda o
    de derecha la confianza se la genera con hechos concretos.


 


AT.  Lenin solo aumentando la producción petrolera
no solamente no permitiendo que caiga, estamos en víspera de producir 24000
barriles en Pañacocha, 15000 barriles en el bloque 31, elevar no disminuir la
producción de las petroleras privadas, tenemos adicionalmente que elevar la
producción de Sacha, acaso no se firmó el contrato con Ivanhoe, y Pungarallaco,
hay que elevar la producción no bajarla, pero no hacer cosas como esta.  El Ecuador hace unos días firmo un convenio
entre el Banco Central con Export development de Irán, el Edvi, cuando existe
la resolución del consejo de seguridad de la ONU la 1803 del año 2008 que dice
es una amenaza suscribir convenios con este tipo de bancos.  El Ecuador hace una cantidad de actos que
después van a terminar por aislarnos del mundo ya no solo en la parte
financiera si no en la parte política. 
La visita del presidente al Paraguay no puso ser mas desastrosa, donde
prácticamente le dijo al Paraguay, yo le respaldo en su bronca con Brazil sobre
el tema de Itaipu y además señaló con nombres y apellido los países que si están
en la integración Latinoamericana donde no citó a Brazil, no lo citó a Chile,
no lo citó a Colombia, no lo mencionó a Perú, es decir debemos de abandonar esa
actitud pendenciera.  Adentro del país y
afuera del país, y entender que a un país se lo maneja con sensatez, con
ponderación y no con estos blofs que obviamente llenan las páginas de los
periódicos que hacen ganar votos, pero que en el fondo destruyen las
posibilidades económicas de un país de apuntalarse en un sistema basado en la
dolarización.


 


E.  Es el criterio de Augusto
Tandazo analista económico, estábamos conversando si el país se va a des
dolarizar o no sobre los rumores que han circulado en los últimos tiempos y
como superarlos.


 


Fuente y entrevista televisada disponible en Ecuador en Vivo


          Comment on Rice collecting in Uganda – materials to be included in the multilateral system by Featured: Millet in Uganda        
[…] John Mulumba of NARO, Uganda weighs in on that millet controversy: […]
          Comment on Participatory research and capacity strengthening in East Africa – linking farmers, scientists and policy makers to use crop diversity for climate change adaptation by Securing crop diversity for climate change adaptation: creating policy space for Nepal to participate in the multilateral system of access and benefit sharing | Genetic Resources Policy        
[…] in vulnerable sites in those 8 countries. (Some of these activities have been reported in other blog posts). The teams then seek to acquire the identified germplasm, working through the applicable policies […]
          Perbedaan Cyber Law dengan Computer Crime Action        
Cyber Law adalah aspek hukum yang artinya berasal dari Cyberspace Law, yang ruang lingkupnya meliputi aspek-aspek yang berhubungan dengan orang perorangan atau subyek hukum yang menggunakan dan memanfaatkan teknologi internet yang dimulai pada saat mulai online dan memasuki dunia cyber atau maya. Bisa diartikan cybercrime itu merupakan kejahatan dalam dunia internet. Cyberlaw juga merupakan hukum yang terkait dengan masalah dunia cyber. Di Indonesia saat ini sudah ada dua Rancangan Undang-Undang (RUU) yang berhubungan dengan dunia cyber, yaitu RUU Pemanfaatan Teknologi Informasi dan RUU Informasi Elektronik dan Transaksi Elektronik.
Beberapa orang menyebutnya Cybercrime kejahatan komputer. The Encyclopaedia Britannica komputer mendefinisikan kejahatan sebagai kejahatan apapun yang dilakukan oleh sarana pengetahuan khusus atau ahli penggunaan teknologi komputer. Computer crime action Undang-Undang yang memberikan untuk pelanggaran-pelanggaran yang berkaitan dengan penyalahgunaan komputer. BE IT diberlakukan oleh Seri Paduka Baginda Yang di-Pertuan Agong dengan nasihat dan persetujuan dari Dewan Negara dan Dewan Rakyat di Parlemen dirakit,dan oleh otoritas yang sama.
Cyber crime merupakan salah satu bentuk fenomena baru dalam tindakan kejahatan, hal ini sebagai dampak langsung dari perkembangan teknologi informasi. Cybercrime adalah istilah umum, meliputi kegiatan yang dapat dihukum berdasarkan KUHP dan undang-undang lain, menggunakan komputer dalam jaringan Internet yang merugikan dan menimbulkan kerusakan pada jaringan komputer Internet, yaitu merusak properti, masuk tanpa izin, pencurian hak milik intelektual, pornografi, pemalsuan data, pencurian, pengelapan dana masyarakat.
komputer sebagai diekstrak dari penjelasan Pernyataan dari CCA 1997 :
a) Berusaha untuk membuat suatu pelanggaran hukum bagi setiap orang untuk menyebabkan komputer untuk melakukan apapun fungsi dengan maksud untuk mendapatkan akses tidak sah ke komputer mana materi.
b) Berusaha untuk membuatnya menjadi pelanggaran lebih lanjut jika ada orang yang melakukan pelanggaran sebagaimana dimaksud dalam item (a) dengan maksud untuk melakukan penipuan, ketidakjujuran atau menyebabkan cedera seperti yang didefinisikan dalam KUHP Kode.
c) Berusaha untuk membuat suatu pelanggaran bagi setiap orang untuk menyebabkan modifikasi yang tidak sah dari isi dari komputer manapun.
d) Berusaha untuk menyediakan bagi pelanggaran dan hukuman bagi komunikasi yang salah nomor, kode, sandi atau cara lain untuk akses ke komputer.
e) Berusaha untuk menyediakan untuk pelanggaran-pelanggaran dan hukuman bagi abetments dan upaya dalam komisi pelanggaran sebagaimana dimaksud pada butir (a), (b), (c) dan (d) di atas.
f) Berusaha untuk membuat undang-undang anggapan bahwa setiap orang memiliki hak asuh atau kontrol apa pun program, data atau informasi lain ketika ia tidak diizinkan untuk memilikinya akan dianggap telah memperoleh akses yang tidak sah kecuali jika dibuktikan sebaliknyaKata “cyber” berasal dari “cybernetics,” yaitu sebuah bidang studi yang terkait dengan komunikasi dan pengendalian jarak jauh. Norbert Wiener merupakan orang pertama yang mencetuskan kata tersebut. Kata pengendalian perlu mendapat tekanan karena tujuannya adalah “total control.” Jadi agak aneh jika asal kata cyber memiliki makna dapat dikendalikan akan tetapi dunia cyber tidak dapat dikendalikan.
            Cyberlaw di Indonesia Inisiatif untuk membuat “cyberlaw” di Indonesia sudah dimulai sebelum tahun 1999. Fokus utama waktu itu adalah pada “payung hukum” yang generik dan sedikit mengenai transaksi elektronik. Pendekatan “payung” ini dilakukan agar ada sebuah basis yang dapat digunakan oleh undang-undang dan peraturan lainnya. Karena sifatnya yang generik, diharapkan rancangan undang-undang tersebut cepat diresmikan dan kita bisa maju ke yang lebih spesifik. Namun pada kenyataannya hal ini tidak terlaksana.
            Untuk hal yang terkait dengan transaksi elektronik, pengakuan digital signature sama seperti tanda tangan konvensional merupakan target. Jika digital signature dapat diakui, maka hal ini akan mempermudah banyak hal seperti electronic commerce (e-commerce), electronic procurement (e-procurement), dan berbagai transaksi elektronik lainnya. Namun ternyata dalam perjalanannya ada beberapa masukan sehingga hal-hal lain pun masuk ke dalam rancangan “cyberlaw” Indonesia. Beberapa hal yang mungkin masuk antara lain adalah hal-hal yang terkait dengan kejahatan di dunia maya (cybercrime), penyalahgunaan penggunaan komputer, hacking, membocorkan password, electronic banking, pemanfaatan internet untuk pemerintahan (e-government) dan kesehatan, masalah HaKI, penyalahgunaan nama domain, dan masalah privasi. Penambahan isi disebabkan karena belum ada undang-undang lain yang mengatur hal ini di Indonesia sehingga ada ide untuk memasukkan semuanya ke dalam satu rancangan.
            Nama dari RUU ini pun berubah dari Pemanfaatan Teknologi Informasi, ke Transaksi Elektronik, dan akhirnya menjadi RUU Informasi dan Transaksi Elektronik. Di luar negeri umumnya materi ini dipecah-pecah menjadi beberapa undang-undang. Ada satu hal yang menarik mengenai rancangan cyberlaw ini yang terkait dengan teritori. Misalkan seorang cracker dari sebuah negara Eropa melakukan pengrusakan terhadap sebuah situs di Indonesia. Dapatkah hukum kita menjangkau sang penyusup ini? Salah satu pendekatan yang diambil adalah jika akibat dari aktivitas crackingnya terasa di Indonesia, makaIndonesia berhak mengadili yang bersangkutan. Apakah kita akan mengejar cracker ini ke luar negeri? Nampaknya hal ini akan sulit dilakukan mengingat keterbatasan sumber daya yang dimiliki oleh kita. Yang dapat kita lakukan adalah menangkap cracker ini jika dia mengunjungi Indonesia. Dengan kata lain, dia kehilangan kesempatan / hak untuk mengunjungi sebuah tempat di dunia. Pendekatan ini dilakukan oleh Amerika Serikat.
            Saat ini berbagai upaya telah dipersiapkan untuk memerangi cybercrime. The Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) telah membuat guidelines bagi para pembuat kebijakan yang berhubungan dengan computer-related crime, di mana pada tahun 1986 OECD telah mempublikasikan laporannya yang berjudul Computer-Related Crime: Analysis of Legal Policy. Laporan ini berisi hasil survey terhadap peraturan perundang-undangan Negara-negara Anggota beserta rekomendasi perubahannya dalam menanggulangi computer-related crime tersebut, yang mana diakui bahwa sistem telekomunikasi juga memiliki peran penting dalam kejahatan tersebut.
            Melengkapi laporan OECD, The Council of Europe (CE) berinisiatif melakukan studi mengenai kejahatan tersebut. Studi ini memberikan guidelines lanjutan bagi para pengambil kebijakan untuk menentukan tindakan-tindakan apa yang seharusnya dilarang berdasarkan hukum pidana Negara-negara Anggota, dengan tetap memperhatikan keseimbangan antara hak-hak sipil warga negara dan kebutuhan untuk melakukan proteksi terhadap computer-related crime tersebut.
            Pada perkembangannya, CE membentuk Committee of Experts on Crime in Cyberspace of the Committee on Crime Problems, yang pada tanggal 25 April 2000 telah mempublikasikan Draft Convention on Cyber-crime sebagai hasil kerjanya ( http://www.cybercrimes.net), yang menurut Prof. Susan Brenner (brenner@cybercrimes.net) dari University of Daytona School of Law, merupakan perjanjian internasional pertama yang mengatur hukum pidana dan aspek proseduralnya untuk berbagai tipe tindak pidana yang berkaitan erat dengan penggunaan komputer, jaringan atau data, serta berbagai penyalahgunaan sejenis.
            Dari berbagai upaya yang dilakukan tersebut, telah jelas bahwa cybercrime membutuhkan global action dalam penanggulangannya mengingat kejahatan tersebut seringkali bersifat transnasional. Beberapa langkah penting yang harus dilakukan setiap negara dalam penanggulangan cybercrime adalah:
   • Melakukan modernisasi hukum pidana nasional beserta hukum acaranya, yang diselaraskan dengan konvensi internasional yang terkait dengan kejahatan tersebut
   • Meningkatkan sistem pengamanan jaringan komputer nasional sesuai standar internasional
   •Meningkatkan pemahaman serta keahlian aparatur penegak hukum mengenai upaya pencegahan, investigasi dan penuntutan perkara-perkara yang berhubungan dengan cybercrime
• Meningkatkan kesadaran warga negara mengenai masalah cybercrime serta pentingnya mencegah kejahatan tersebut terjadi
• Meningkatkan kerjasama antar negara, baik bilateral, regional maupun multilateral, dalam upaya penanganan cybercrime, antara lain melalui perjanjian ekstradisi dan mutual assistance treaties

Sumber :


          Summary of Development Cooperation Report 2014/15        
General scenario of development cooperation in Nepal Nepal receives development assistance through Multilateral, bilateral and INGOs in the form of grant, loan and technical assistance. Various modality of development assistance exist in Nepal namely program support, project support, SWAp, humanitarian assistance and budget support. The development assistance is in the form of either on-budget or […]
          Gbenga Oyebode and Dzingai Mutumbuka Join Board of Directors        

In June, Teach For All was thrilled to welcome Dzingai Mutumbuka, Chairman of the Zimbabwe National Commission of UNESCO and former Education Minister of Zimbabwe, and Gbenga Oyebode MFR, Chairman, Aluko & Oyebode, to our Board. The new Directors join 12 fellow leaders in the global business, philanthropic, academic, and education sectors.

Dzingai Mutumbuka currently serves as a member of the governing board for UNESCO's International Institute for Educational Planning and is the former Chair of the Association for the Development of Education in Africa (ADEA), which brings together all African education ministers and donors supporting education in Africa. Among Africa’s longest-serving education ministers, Mr. Mutumbuka subsequently later led a distinguished career working for multilateral organizations including the World Bank. During a recent Teach For All Talk with Teach For All CEO and Co-founder Wendy Kopp, he shared his perspective on the improvements in access to education across the African continent over the last 35 years.

Gbenga Oyebode is the Chairman of Aluko & Oyebode, (Barristers, Solicitors & Trademark Agents), one of the largest integrated law firms in Nigeria, with offices in Lagos, Abuja, and Port-Harcourt. Mr. Oyebode has a prominent career in the field of law and is a member of the Nigerian Bar Association, the American Bar Association, and the International Bar Association (IBA).

To support the network’s efforts to develop collective leadership to ensure all children can fulfill their potential, Teach For All is committed to establishing a diverse Board of Directors who bring unique global perspectives to our work. We look forward to learning from Mr. Mutumbuka and Mr. Oyebode’s experience, insights, and leadership as they begin their service on the Board.  

The two newest Directors bring a wealth of experience and leadership in the African context
          Belize’s First Community Bird Guides Recognized        
P R E S S       R E L E A S E   Belize’s First “Community Bird Guides” recognized Belize City, Belize, December 7th, 2015 — Belize Audubon Society in Partnership with National Audubon Society and Multilateral Investment Fund (MIF), a member of the Inter-American Development Bank group (IDB) recognized forty five (45) community Bird Guides in a ceremony Friday December 4th, 2015 at Monkey Bay Wildlife Sanctuary. The successful graduates completed a five weeks course entitled “Basic Bird Guide Training” to prepare them for bird guiding as a means of income generation at the local level around three targeted protected areas co-managed by Belize Audubon Society – Crooked Tree Wildlife Sanctuary, Cockscomb Basin Wildlife Sanctuary and St. Herman’s Blue Hole National Park. The event served as recognition of successfully completing the course and to introduce the graduates to the Bird-Based Tourism market in Belize. The 10 top performers of the training were recognized at the ceremony and were awarded scholarships to complete the BTB’s National Tour Guide training program. Overall top performer was Jorge Eduardo Ruano. He received a two months bird exposure internship in the USA for his outstanding performance, this is being funded by the National Audubon […]
          Annual Report 2016        
FOREWORD 2016 was a year that shook the world and the European Union in particular. The new hope for multilateral climate cooperation under the 2015 Paris agreement received a blow with the election of a climate denier to the White House. The European Union, as an ongoing project for peace and prosperity, was shaken by a Brexit referendum [...] more »
          JAVID JABS        

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The sophisticated underground rocket launcher system in Gaza has been exposed by the terrorist organization in a video it released Saturday.






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In Burma, he called the country by what the generals used to call it, he badly mauled and miss-pronounced the name of leader of their democracy movement. Add to that, he kissed this single woman, which in their culture is an insult.....He gave credit to himself for the democracy movement there (the credit should go to the Bush administration and Laura Bush in particular ) and some are praising him, and fawning over this trip ! Oh , please...






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See Explanation.  Clicking on the picture will download
 the highest resolution version available.
Like a Diamond in the Sky
Image Credit & Copyright: Alex Cherney (Terrastro, TWAN)
Explanation: A dark Sun hung over Queensland, Australia on Wednesday morning during a much anticipated total solar eclipse. Storm clouds threatened to spoil the view along the northern coast, but minutes before totality the clouds parted. Streaming past the Moon's edge, the last direct rays of sunlight produced a gorgeous diamond ring effect in this scene from Ellis Beach between Cairns and Port Douglas. Winking out in a moment, the diamond didn't last forever though. The area was plunged into darkness for nearly 2 minutes as the Moon's shadow swept off shore toward Australia's Great Barrier Reef and out into the southern Pacific. Ranging from 1/4000 to 1/15 seconds long, five separate exposures were blended in the image to create a presentation similar to the breathtaking visual experience of the eclipse.
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Amateurish Hamas Propaganda Uses Easily Disproven Photo of 'IDF Soldier' w Boot On Palestinian Child
Reaganite Republican ^ | 18 November 2012 | Reaganite Republican

How dumb do they think you are?

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A picture you will never see…


Found on the IDF Twitter feed, the video below depicts life in southern Israel under fire of the rockets that have rained down from Gaza: “Over the past 12 years, the residents of southern Israel have suffered over 12,000 rockets fired at them from the Gaza Strip. This is what their life has looked like over the years.” I think it’s safe to say you won’t be seeing this brief video compilation on the BCC or CNN either.
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Iran must be President Obama’s immediate priority

By Henry A. Kissinger, Published: November 16

Henry A. Kissinger was secretary of state from 1973 to 1977.
In the aftermath of an exhausting reelection campaign, the most urgent decision facing the president is how to stop Iran from pursuing a military nuclear program. Presidents of both parties have long declared that “no option is off the table” in securing this goal. In the third presidential debate, the candidates agreed that this was a matter of the American national interest, even as they described the objective alternately as preventing an Iranian “nuclear weapon” or “breakout capacity” (President Obama), or a “nuclear-capable Iran” (Mitt Romney). As Iran continues to elaborate its enrichment capacity and move it underground, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has announced a spring deadline for counteraction. In this fraught environment, what operational meaning should be given to America’s declared objectives?

The United States and Iran are apparently conducting bilateral negotiations through official or semiofficial emissaries — a departure from the previous procedure of multilateral talks. Negotiations over Iran’s nuclear program do not have an encouraging record. For more than a decade, Iran has stalled, first with the “EU-3” (France, Germany and Britain) and then with the “P5+1” (the members of the U.N. Security Council plus Germany). It has alternated hints of flexibility with periods of intransigence, all while expanding, concealing and dispersing its nuclear facilities. If no limit is placed on this process, Iran’s tech­no­logical progress will dominate events. But at what stage, and in what manner, should Iran be deprived of a military nuclear capability? This has been the essence of the argument over “red lines.”

Three stages are involved in the evolution of a military nuclear capability: a delivery system, a capacity to enrich uranium and the production of nuclear warheads. Iran has been augmenting the range and number of its missile systems since at least 2006. Its enrichment capacity — long underreported to the International Atomic Energy Agency — has been expanded to thousands of centrifuges (the instruments that enrich uranium to bomb-grade material). The level exceeds any reasonable definition of peaceful uses authorized by the Non-Proliferation Treaty. The inevitable culmination is a nuclear weapon.

To draw the line at proscribing an Iranian nuclear weapon — as some argue — would prove unmanageable. Once the requisite amount of fissile material has been produced, constructing and equipping a warhead is a relatively short and technologically straightforward process, almost certainly impossible to detect in a timely fashion.

If so ineffectual a red line were to emerge from a decade of diplomacy by the permanent members of the Security Council, the result would be an essentially uncontrollable military nuclear proliferation throughout a region roiled by revolution and sectarian blood-feuds. Iran would thereby achieve the status of North Korea, with a military nuclear program at the very edge of going operational. Each nation that has a nuclear option would compete to minimize the time to its own full military nuclear capability. 

Meanwhile, countries within the reach of Iran’s military but lacking a nuclear option would be driven to reorient their political alignment toward Tehran. The reformist tendencies in the Arab Spring — already under severe pressure — would be submerged by this process. The president’s vision of progress toward a global reduction of nuclear weapons would suffer a blow, perhaps a fatal one.
Some have argued that even in the worst-case scenario, a nuclear Iran could be deterred. Yet this ignores the immensely costly, complex and tension-ridden realities of Cold War-era deterrence, the apocalyptic strain in the Iranian theocracy and the near-certainty that several regional powers will go nuclear if Iran does. Once nuclear balances are forged in conditions where tensions are no longer purely bilateral, as in the Cold War, and in still-developing countries whose technology to prevent accidents is rudimentary, the likelihood of some nuclear exchange will mount dramatically.

This is why the United States has insisted on limits on Iranian enrichment — that is, curtailing access to a weapon’s precursor elements. Abandoning the original demand to ban all enrichment, the P5+1 has explored what levels of production of fissile material are compatible with the peaceful uses authorized by the Non-Proliferation Treaty. The higher the level of enrichment, the shorter the time needed to bring about militarily applicable results. Conventional wisdom holds that the highest practically enforceable limit is 5 percent enrichment, and then only if all fissile material beyond an agreed amount is safeguarded outside Iran.

The time available for a diplomatic outcome shrinks in direct proportion as the Iranian enrichment capacity grows and a military nuclear capacity approaches. The diplomatic process must therefore be brought to a point of decision. The P5+1 or the United States unilaterally must put forward a precise program to curtail Iranian enrichment with specific time limits.

This does not imply a red line authorizing any country to go to war. However respectfully the views of friends are considered, the ultimate decision over peace or war must remain in the hands of the president. Why negotiate with a country of such demonstrated hostility and evasiveness? Precisely because the situation is so fraught. Diplomacy may reach an acceptable agreed outcome. Or its failure will mobilize the American people and the world. It will clarify either the causes of an escalating crisis, up to the level of military pressure, or ultimate acquiescence in an Iranian nuclear program. Either outcome will require a willingness to see it through to its ultimate implications. We cannot afford another strategic disaster.

To the extent that Iran shows willingness to conduct itself as a nation-state, rather than a revolutionary religious cause, and accepts enforceable verification, elements of Iranian security concerns should be taken seriously, including gradual easing of sanctions as strict limits on enrichment are implemented and enforced. But time will be urgent. Tehran must be made to understand that the alternative to an agreement is not simply a further period of negotiation and that using negotiations to gain time will have grave consequences. A creative diplomacy, allied to a determined strategy, may still be able to prevent a crisis provided the United States plays a decisive role in defining permissible outcomes.

2012 Tribune Media Services

More on this topic: A video interview with Henry Kissinger Henry A. Kissinger: Meshing realism and idealism in the Middle East David Ignatius: An interview with Mahmoud Ahmadinejad Charles Krauthammer: Collapse of the Cairo Doctrine




American media yawns, and some of our own friends fawn over him about his insulting kiss.....







Insult: A photograph in June 2011 shows Broadwell watching as Petraeus and his wife Holly arrive for a Senate Select Intelligence Committee hearing on Petraeus' nomination to be director of the CIA




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60 Second Refutation of Socialism, While Sitting at the Beach

Last week, there were several comments in Carnival of the Capitalists that people would like to see more articles highlighting the benefits of capitalism. This got me thinking about a conversation I had years ago at the beach:
Hanging out at the beach one day with a distant family member, we got into a discussion about capitalism and socialism. In particular, we were arguing about whether brute labor, as socialism teaches, is the source of all wealth (which, socialism further argues, is in turn stolen by the capitalist masters). The young woman, as were most people her age, was taught mainly by the socialists who dominate college academia nowadays. I was trying to find a way to connect with her, to get her to question her assumptions, but was struggling because she really had not been taught many of the fundamental building blocks of either philosophy or economics, but rather a mish-mash of politically correct points of view that seem to substitute nowadays for both.
One of the reasons I took up writing a blog is that I have never been as snappy or witty in real-time discussions as I would like to be, and I generally think of the perfect comeback or argument minutes or hours too late. I have always done better with writing, where I have time to think. However, on this day, I had inspiration from a half-remembered story I had heard before. I am sure I stole the following argument from someone, but to this day I still can't remember from whom.
I picked up a handful of sand, and said "this is almost pure silicon, virtually identical to what powers a computer. Take as much labor as you want, and build me a computer with it -- the only limitation is you can only have true manual laborers - no engineers or managers or other capitalist lackeys".
Yeah, I know what you're thinking - beach sand is not pure silicon - it is actually silicon dioxide, SiO2, but if she didn't take any economics she certainly didn't take any chemistry or geology.
She replied that my request was BS, that it took a lot of money to build an electronics plant, and her group of laborers didn't have any and bankers would never lend them any.
All too many defenders of capitalism would have stopped here, and said aha! So you admit you need more than labor - you need capital too. But Marx would not have disagreed - he would have said it was the separation of labor and capital that was bad - only when laborers owned the capital, rather than being slaves to the ruling class that now controls the capital, would the world reach nirvana. So I offered her just that:
I told her - assume for our discussion that I have tons of money, and I will give you and your laborers as much as you need. The only restriction I put on it is that you may only buy raw materials - steel, land, silicon - in their crudest forms. It is up to you to assemble these raw materials, with your laborers, to build the factory and make me my computer.
She thought for a few seconds, and responded "but I can't - I don't know how. I need someone to tell me how to do it"
And that is the heart of socialism's failure. For the true source of wealth is not brute labor, or even what you might call brute capital, but the mind. The mind creates new technologies, new products, new business models, new productivity enhancements, in short, everything that creates wealth. Labor or capital without a mind behind it is useless.


Since 1700, the GDP per capita in places like the US has risen, in real terms, over 40 fold. This is a real increase in total wealth - it is not money stolen or looted or exploited. Wealthy nations like the US didn't "take" the wealth from somewhere else - it never even existed before. It was created by the minds of human beings.
How? What changed? Historians who really study this stuff would probably point to a jillion things, but in my mind two are important:
  1. There was a philosophical and intellectual change where questioning established beliefs and social patterns went from being heresy and unthinkable to being acceptable, and even in vogue. In other words, men, at first just the elite but soon everyone, were urged to use their mind rather than just relying on established beliefs
  2. There were social and political changes that greatly increased the number of people capable of entrepreneurship. Before this time, the vast vast majority of people were locked into social positions that allowed them no flexibility to act on a good idea, even if they had one. By starting to create a large and free middle class, first in the Netherlands and England and then in the US, more people had the ability to use their mind to create new wealth. Whereas before, perhaps 1% or less of any population really had the freedom to truly act on their ideas, after 1700 many more people began to have this freedom.
So today's wealth, and everything that goes with it (from shorter work hours to longer life spans) is the result of more people using their minds more freely.
Look around the world - for any country, ask yourself if the average person in that country has the open intellectual climate that encourages people to think for themselves, and the open political and economic climate that allows people to act on the insights their minds provide and to keep the fruits of their effort. Where you can answer yes to both, you will find wealth and growth. Where you answer no to both, you will find poverty and misery.
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It says it in the Bible:
It all makes sense now. Gay marriage and marijuana being legalized on the same day!

Leviticus 20:13 - "if a man lays with another man, he should be stoned."

We've just been interpreting it wrong all these years!!!

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Ugly uniform of the Steelers ! WASPS?
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Ross Mirkarimi Dresses Like General Eisenhower



rsz_sheriffs_in_uniform_by_luke_thomas.jpg
Luke Thomas
A sharp-dressed man...
Sheriff Ross Mirkarimi and District Attorney George Gascón aren't exactly seeing eye to eye these days. But if a common bond could be forged, perhaps the first step to take would be uniting the warring city officials over their shared sartorial senses.

As police chief, Gascón was far more likely than not to wander into police headquarters dressed like a lawyer. Gascón is a lawyer, and Mirkarimi is not -- but, in the limited amount of time the sheriff has been permitted to do the job he was elected to do, he's often outfitted like one.

So, it was a bit jarring to see Mirkarimi clothed in full sheriff's dress regalia during the weekend's Veteran's Day March. Decked out in a forest green uniform complete with gold-starred epaulets and gold bands on an Eisenhower jacket, the progressive sheriff looks like he ought to be leaping off a Jeep and warning us about the perils of the Military-Industrial Complex.

Yet while this uniform might be a head-turner, it's actually something of a California template.

Sheriff's department spokeswoman Susan Fahey said the "Class A uniform" -- worn to inaugurations, funerals, and other high-level events -- is essentially "standardized" throughout the state.

Even the longest-serving sheriffs couldn't remember wearing anything much different, other than a sea change in 1999 or 2000 when the department pulled the trigger and made the shift from British green to forest green. Those were heady times.

Calls to the California State Sheriffs' Association querying why sheriffs' duds look like a cross between military officers and park rangers have not yet been answered.

A quick glance at the association's board of directors, however, reveals that Fahey is right -- there is a fairly standard template of sheriff's dress uniforms.

More when we know more about this most pressing situation.
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Puke !!!

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Another Puke ! ! !
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          What's ahead for carbon markets after COP 21        

The following was published in the February 2016 edition of Biores, a publication of the International Centre for Trade and Sustainable Development.

By Anthony Mansell, International Fellow, Center for Climate and Energy Solutions (C2ES)

The new climate deal includes several provisions relevant to market-based emissions reductions efforts. 

At a UN conference in Paris, France in December countries agreed to a new framework for international cooperation on climate change. The “Paris Agreement” ties together nationally determined contributions (NDCs) with international rules and procedures to ensure transparency and promote rising ambition. Paris also provided a future for international market mechanisms as a tool for countries to fulfil their NDCs.

Many NDCs submitted as part of the Paris process demonstrate an enthusiasm for market approaches. Sixty-five governments say they will use international markets and another 24 will consider using them in the future. Many groups such as the Carbon Pricing Leadership Coalition (CPLC) urged support in Paris for the use of market mechanisms and a ministerial declaration issued by 18 governments at the close of the conference was designed to send “a clear signal to the global carbon market…that there is an important role for markets in the post-2020 period.”

The Paris Agreement includes provisions that can advance carbon markets in two ways: by ensuring there is no double counting when countries engage in emissions trading, and by establishing a new mechanism to facilitate trading. In both areas, however, the text provides only broad parameters and important details remain to be decided. This article addresses the current state of carbon markets, their history in international climate agreements, and relevant provisions of the Paris deal – including issues still to be negotiated before it comes into effect.

Carbon market context

Carbon pricing is currently in place in 38 jurisdictions, according to the World Bank, encompassing both carbon taxes and emissions trading schemes (ETS). A number of additional policies are scheduled to enter force between now and 2020 including carbon taxes planned for Chile and South Africa. Ontario will develop an ETS similar to neighbouring Québec and US states Washington and Oregon are considering the same. In terms of scale, the most significant will be a new national ETS in 2017 across China, the world’s largest greenhouse gas (GHG) emitter.

Not all carbon market programmes seek to trade internationally; some focus solely on domestic emission reductions. Nevertheless, bottom-up linkages are already occurring. For example, California and Québec have linked their cap-and-trade programs, making carbon allowances and offsets fungible between programs. There are also ongoing discussions in California about using sector-based offsets that reduce deforestation – known as REDD+ – from Acre, Brazil and Chiapas, Mexico. The EU Emissions Trading System (EU ETS) and Swiss ETS have agreed a link, pending ratification by each.

In addition, the International Civil Aviation Organisation (ICAO) is to decide by the end of this year on the design of a global market-based mechanism (MBM) to reduce emissions from aviation. The MBM would come into force in 2020, around the same time the Paris Agreement aims to be in place.

History of international market mechanisms

Market-based approaches are not referred to in the founding 1992 UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) document, but were integral to the design of its first sub-agreement, the 1997 Kyoto Protocol.

Under Kyoto, participating developed countries have binding emission limits – “quantified emission limitation and reduction commitments” – inscribed in Annex B of the agreement. They are allocated “assigned amount units” (AAUs) in line with those targets and, to enable least-cost emission reduction, are permitted to trade AAUs and other certified emission units.

Kyoto established three methods for transferring units – either emission allowances or emission reductions – between countries. International Emissions Trading (IET) allows countries that have reduced emissions below their targets to sell excess allowances to countries whose emissions exceed their targets. Joint Implementation (JI) allows Annex B countries to earn emission reduction units (ERUs) through emission reduction or removal projects in other Annex B countries. The Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) allows Annex B countries to earn certified emission reduction (CERs) credits through emissions-reduction projects in developing countries.

Emissions trading under the Kyoto Protocol relies on international oversight. All transfers are tracked using a registry called the International Transaction Log (ITL). A common accounting standard applies to all countries with emission targets. An executive board must approve the methodology CDM projects propose using. Finally, under the Protocol, only the international transfers it sanctions are considered legitimate to fulfil a country’s emissions-cutting obligations.

The Kyoto model provides important infrastructure for an international carbon market. Common accounting procedures ensure that any transfer meets an internationally agreed level of environmental integrity. An AAU allocated to Switzerland represents a metric tonne of emissions measured using the same standard as an AAU allocated to Norway. Common offset methodologies give a blueprint to replicate in projects across the globe. The CDM has been able to issue 1.4 billion credits – each representing a metric tonne of avoided emissions – and mobilise over US$400 billion in investment using this international rulebook for managing offset projects. Moreover, when countries submit their national GHG inventories, any recorded transfers can be verified by checking the international registry thereby reducing the potential for emissions double counting.

The Kyoto Protocol's market mechanisms have, however, lately encountered shrinking participation. One reason has been a reliance on the EU ETS as a source of demand, where low economic growth and restrictions placed on the types of credits has created a generous oversupply of CDM credits.

The Paris Agreement and carbon markets

The Paris Agreement establishes a fundamentally different framework from Kyoto. Rather than binding emission limits, which readily lend themselves to market approaches, the new climate regime requires all parties to undertake nationally determined contributions of their own choosing. As of writing, 187 countries had put forward NDCs, presenting various 2020-2030 target reduction dates.  These contributions are not legally binding and come in many forms, ranging from absolute economy-wide targets to peaking years, carbon intensity reductions, and so on. A new transparency system will apply to all parties, but will be less prescriptive than the accounting of AAUs that underpinned the Kyoto Protocol.

Fitting market approaches into this new landscape poses a different set of challenges. In a literal sense, the Paris Agreement is silent on markets, in that the term does not feature in the text. This is not unusual, the Kyoto Protocol also did not include the term. Instead, the new agreement houses markets under Article 6, geared towards addressing “voluntary cooperation” between parties in achieving their NDCs.

Article 6 recognises that parties may choose to pursue voluntary cooperation in implementing their NDCs. If these “cooperative approaches” involve the use of “internationally transferred mitigation outcomes,” or ITMOs, robust accounting shall be used to avoid double counting. The use of ITMOs are voluntary and authorised by participating parties.

The same article also establishes a mechanism to contribute to GHG mitigation and support sustainable development. The new mechanism will be under the authority of meeting of parties to the Paris Agreement. It has four listed aims including to promote greenhouse gas mitigation while fostering sustainable development; incentivise and facilitate participation by public and private entities who are authorised by a party; contribute to reduction of emissions level in host country, which can also be used by another party to fulfil its NDC; and deliver an overall reduction in global emissions. In addition, emission reductions occurring from the new mechanism must not be double counted. A share of proceeds will be used to cover administrative expenses and assist developing countries to meet the costs of adaptation, which is similar to the share of proceeds under the CDM, a portion of which was channelled to the Adaptation Fund. Article 6.8 and 6.9 contain a framework for promoting “integrated, holistic and balanced non-market approaches.”  

So what comes next? When the CDM, JI, and IET were established under the Kyoto Protocols, the details were not finalised until the Marrakech Accords four years later. Similarly, the COP21 outcome sets a work plan for negotiators to deliberate and decide how the Paris system will work, to be addressed in upcoming UNFCCC meetings.

Cooperative approaches accounting

The existing UNFCCC accounting system is bifurcated between developed and developing economies. Under the Convention, GHG inventories are required each year for industrialised countries, while these are included in national communications submitted every four years for developing nations.

The Paris Agreement establishes an “enhanced transparency framework for action and support,” with built-in flexibility to take into account national capacities. Under this framework each party must submit a national greenhouse gas inventory. An accompanying decision elaborates that all countries – except least developed countries and small island developing states – shall provide these inventories at least biennially.

On markets the Subsidiary Body for Scientific and Technologic Advice (SBSTA) will develop and recommend guidance on how to apply “robust accounting” for cooperative approaches, for adoption at the first session of governing body of the Paris Agreement, known as the CMA . Countries will need to be “consistent” with this guidance, but not necessarily follow it strictly. How to determine if a country’s accounting is consistent is not clarified in the Paris agreement, though it will likely be reviewed as part of the new transparency system.

Pending decisions will provide greater clarity on a number of issues. On ITMOs, it will be useful to define the scope of what can be considered a “mitigation outcome” transferred between countries. Under Kyoto, AAUs serve as a unit of account for transferring obligations, but also define the scope of accepted international transfers. In other words, only transfers involving AAUs are accepted when submitting national GHG accounts. Parties will also need to consider whether other forms of co-operation – such as Japan’s Joint Crediting Mechanism (JCM), which is similar to the CDM, or the bilateral linking of two ETSs –would be considered ITMOs. Transfers involving one or more countries without absolute economy-wide targets could complicate the methodology needed to avoid double counting.

On the accounting system, the CMA could take an active role in facilitating transfers, including through a central registry similar to the ITL. Alternatively, in a more decentralised system, it may require that parties maintain their own accounting – such as double-entry bookkeeping – and rely on the transparency arrangements to provide oversight. The provision referencing ITMOs also requires parties to “promote sustainable development and ensure environmental integrity.” The SBSTA guidelines will need to define these terms and how countries will meet them when undertaking transfers.

Paris “mechanism”

Another accompanying COP decision recommends that the CMA adopt “rules, modalities, and procedures” for the new mechanism at its first session. The parameters for these are: voluntary participation authorised by each party involved; real, measurable, and long-term benefits related to the mitigation of climate change; specific scope of activities; reductions in emissions that are additional to any that would otherwise occur; verification and certification of emission reductions resulting from mitigation activities by designated operational entities; experience gained with and lessons learned from existing mechanisms and approach adopted under the Convention.

This leaves much to be hammered out by governments. A key area to address will be the type of system. The new mechanism may continue to credit at a project level. A Brazilian proposal in Paris envisioned a mechanism similar in scale to the CDM, referred to as an “enhanced CDM,” or “CDM+.” Conversely, in prior discussions for a “new market mechanism” (NMM), both the EU and the Environmental Integrity Group negotiating group have proposed a scaled-up or sector-based crediting mechanism.

The future of the Kyoto flexibility mechanisms is also unclear, in particular whether the new mechanism will succeed the CDM and JI, or will sit alongside either of these. The Paris Agreement does not mention the CDM or JI, but notes that the new mechanism should draw on the experience gained from existing mechanisms. Similarly, it is unclear whether units generated under the Kyoto mechanisms will be eligible for compliance after 2020 and if so, whether they will need to be converted to an alternative credit type to conform with credits issues under the new mechanism.

Negotiators may also decide to transfer project methodologies over from the CDM to apply to the new mechanism, discard some of these existing approaches, or move away from project level crediting altogether as noted above. They may also consider other methodologies used outside the UNFCCC. Finally, the Paris Agreement frames sustainable development on a par with GHG mitigation, so parties may require measured sustainable development outcomes to be eligible for crediting.

Parties will need to decide on governance arrangements for the new mechanism. The CDM is managed by an Executive Board of ten government officials, comprising one member from each of the five UN regional groups, two other members from parties included in Annex I, two other members from non-Annex I parties, and one representative of the small island developing states. Similarly, JI has a supervisory committee (JISC) to oversee the verification of projects. The new mechanism could incorporate governance from either of these existing platforms.Guidance on rules and procedures will also need to be clarified. The CDM and JI have existing procedures for developing projects that are ultimately credited. Countries could transfer these rules to the new mechanism or adopt new procedures.

Given the breadth of views across governments on the role of market mechanisms, reaching conclusions on these issues will be challenging. The slow progress since 2011 in the UNFCCC toward a “framework for various approaches” (FVA) and NMM demonstrated the difficulties in gaining consensus on the subject. Nevertheless the importance afforded to international markets by many countries in their NDCs implies there is a strong impetus to find a workable system for international transfers.

Efforts beyond UNFCCC

It is possible that initiatives undertaken outside the UNFCCC will inform efforts within. The Carbon Market Platform established under the G7, for example, is a strategic political dialogue that can complement the UNFCCC in developing guidance on accounting for international transfers. The system that ICAO builds could seek consistency with the Paris Agreement. For example, it would be beneficial if credits used for compliance in the UNFCCC and ICAO are fungible, to prevent project developers choosing between separate customers. It remains to be decided what types of international credits will be used for compliance in the ICAO MBM, but this should take into account the emergence of the new mechanism. In addition, the accounting system used by ICAO should at least be consistent with that used under the Paris system, insofar as this would avoid the double counting of units used for compliance in both ICAO and the UNFCCC.

Unfinished business

Paris reaffirmed carbon markets as an instrument for meeting climate goals. Outside of the agreement itself, groups such as the CPLC are building strong momentum for market approaches as a key component to meeting the mitigation targets set by NDCs. COP21 did not, however, finalise a new system of international carbon markets or cooperative approaches. Accounting for ITMOs and other forms of voluntary cooperation require elaboration and guidance. The role of the new mechanism remains to be negotiated. And if these talks become stalled, as was the case for the FVA/NMM deliberations, interested countries may pursue bottom-up linkages elsewhere rather than continue to search for solutions within the UN climate talks. The pace and extent of progress under the UNFCCC will determine how central a role multilateral platforms will play on these issues in the future and the prospects of a truly global carbon market.


          VIDEO: Putin, Poroshenko Shake Hands At Minsk Summit (Freemason Gestures Bro. Alexander Lukashenko)        
Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko and Russian President Vladimir Putin shook hands at the start of multilateral talks in Minsk on August 26. It was the first time the two presidents have met since June. [...]
          Are Multilateral Development Banks Supporting a Low-Carbon Future?        

More than 190 countries committed under the Paris Agreement on climate change to hold global average temperature rise to well below 2 degrees Celsius. The multilateral development banks (MDBs) will play a crucial role in enabling countries to finance the infrastructure and energy systems of the future. 


          Swiss Banks Moving Forward on Disclosures of U.S. Account Information        

Thorn Law Group reports Swiss Finance Minister's announcement that Switzerland has taken two major steps in dismantling its longstanding institution of bank secrecy by signing the OECD’s Multilateral Convention on Mutual Administrative Assistance in Tax Matters and agreeing to disclose account information on international data exchange.

(PRWeb November 23, 2013)

Read the full story at http://www.prweb.com/releases/2013/11/prweb11361469.htm


          Geo-politics        
The US And That 'Other' Axis

by Jephraim P Gundzik [asia Times: June 9, 2005]

http://www.atimes.com/atimes/China/GF09Ad08.html



Beijing's increasingly close ties with Moscow and Tehran will thwart Washington's foreign policy goal of expanding US security footholds in the Middle East, Central Asia and Asia. However, the primacy of economic stability will most likely prevent a proxy-style military confrontation, in Iran or North Korea, between China and the US.


Threat to 'axis of evil' unwinds in Baghdad

In January 2002 during his State of the Union address to the US congress, President George W Bush outlined his administration's primary foreign policy goal as preventing "regimes that sponsor terror from threatening America or our friends and allies with weapons of mass destruction". Bush went on to specifically name Iraq, Iran and North Korea as state sponsors of terrorism, infamously dubbing this group the "axis of evil". After failing to gather multilateral support in the United Nation, Bush declared war on Iraq.

Since the beginning of the war in Iraq, Beijing has worked feverishly to strengthen its ties with Moscow and Teheran in an apparent effort to prevent US military action against the remaining "axis of evil" members, Iran and North Korea. In addition to recent massive energy deals with Teheran, which place Iran in China's security web, both Beijing and Moscow have accelerated the transfer of missile technology to Teheran, while selling the Islamic republic increasingly sophisticated military equipment.

Armed with a vast array of anti-ship and long-range missiles, Iran can target US troop positions throughout the Middle East and strike US Navy ships. Iran can also use its weapons to blockade the Straits of Hormuz through which one-third of the world's traded oil is shipped. With the help of Beijing and Moscow, Teheran is becoming an increasingly unappealing military target for the US.

As in the Middle East, the China-Iran-Russia axis is challenging US interests in Central Asia. Washington is working feverishly to gain security footholds in Tajikistan and Kazakhstan to complement existing US military bases in Afghanistan, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan. China and Russia are working equally hard to assert their influence in Central Asia. A good portion of this work is being done under the auspices of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO.)

Composed of China, Russia, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, the SCO was created in 1996 and reborn in 2001 when it was bolstered to counter the initial eastward expansion of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The SCO is becoming an increasingly powerful regional mutual security organization. Joint military maneuvers between SCO member states began in 2003. In 2004, the SCO created a rapid reaction anti-terror strike force. According to Igor Rogachev, Russia's ambassador to China, the new force is designed to combat and respond to terrorist attacks in any SCO member nation.

In 2004, Iran made it clear that it was interested in joining the SCO. Iran's mammoth energy deals with China imply that Tehran is now integral to China's national security. A good way to formalize security relations between China and Iran is through the SCO.

The autocratic governments of Central Asia have much more in common with China, Iran and Russia than with the US. At the same time, China and Russia can invest exponentially larger sums of money in Central Asian countries than the US. Almost all of China's and Russia's foreign investment is conducted by state-owned enterprises. Investment by these enterprises is primarily driven by geopolitical expediency.

Foreign investment in the US is controlled by profit-driven private enterprises. While the US government can dole out aid to Central Asian countries, the size of this aid pales in comparison to the money that can be lavished on Central Asian countries by China's and Russia's state-owned enterprises. In 2004, commercial and security ties between Kazakhstan and China were strengthened when Beijing signed a deal with Astana to build a pipeline from the Caspian Sea to western China.

The pipeline deal with Kazakhstan prompted Beijing to pledge increased military and technical assistance to Kyrgyzstan, through which this pipeline passes. Despite its small size and lack of natural resources, the geostrategic importance of Kyrgyzstan, which hosts military bases for both Russia and the US, is enormous. Recent political instability in Kyrgyzstan especially alarmed Washington.

In early April, US Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld visited Bishkek to ensure that Kyrgyzstan's new government would continue to host US military forces. In addition, Rumsfeld tried to persuade interim President Kurmanbek Bakiyev to allow the US to station AWACS surveillance planes in Kyrgyzstan. At the beginning of 2005, the Kyrgyz Foreign Ministry denied this request by Washington, saying that such equipment was beyond the original humanitarian and peace-keeping mission of US. forces in Kyrgyzstan. Bakiyev made it clear that Washington would not be allowed to deploy the AWACS or to establish any more bases or expand existing facilities in Kyrgyzstan.

Bakiyev also stressed that US forces would not be in the country permanently. Deepening economic and security ties between Central Asian countries and China and Russia could eventually reduce Washington's influence in the region to Afghanistan. However, in addition to three operational military bases already in Afghanistan, Washington plans on building another six military bases, further amplifying the US military threat to China, Russia and Iran.

East Asia is another region where the China-Iran-Russia alliance has common interests diametrically opposed to Washington's. The most obvious country where these interests conflict is North Korea. As with Iran, the Bush administration is determined to force North Korea's government to acquiesce to US security demands. Again, like Iran, North Korea poses a strategic threat to Washington's global hegemonic aspirations. The mutual antagonism by Iran and North Korea of the US has naturally brought these two countries together. North Korea has been an integral supplier to Iran's ballistic missile program over the past 15 years.

The US State Department has sanctioned the Changgwang Sinyong Corporation, North Korea's main missile exporter, four times since 2000 for engaging in proliferation activities with Iran. In 2004, US intelligence reported that North Korea was helping Iran build long-range missiles. While Iran's ties to North Korea are strategic, Russia's and China's ties to the country are security driven. Both Russia and China share common borders with North Korea.

The Soviet Union had strong ties with North Korea between 1950 and 1990 punctuated by a mutual security agreement. After the breakup of the Soviet Union, Russia's relations with North Korea weakened sharply. President Boris Yeltsin chose not to renew the mutual security agreement with North Korea in favor of strengthening relations with South Korea.

President Vladimir Putin reestablished the historically close ties between Russia and North Korea. In 2000, Putin traveled to Pyongyang. North Korea's leader, Kim Jong-il, paid return visits to Russia in 2001 and 2002. In addition to official state visits, Moscow and Pyongyang have exchanged several ministry-level visits in the past two years. Pyongyang also enjoys very close relations with Beijing, with which high-level visits have been exchanged regularly in the past several years.

More importantly, Pyongyang and Beijing are tied together by a mutual security agreement. North Korea is an important security buffer for both China and Russia against US military projection in Asia. With Beijing and Moscow clearly in accord about countering Washington's global hegemonic aspirations, neither country is likely to sell out their relations with North Korea and this security buffer. More likely, Beijing and Moscow would like to bolster the security buffer in the light of expanding US militarism. It is extremely unlikely that the US will convince North Korea to give up its nuclear weapons and uranium enrichment program because both Beijing and Moscow need North Korea and the security buffer it provides.


Playing in Washington's backyard

In 2004, Russia and China launched a counter-offensive to the expansion of US militarism in Asia. Beijing and Moscow began to court Latin America's new leftist governments in an unprecedented slap to the US. Both Russia and China have strengthened relations with Washington's arch foe in Latin America - Venezuela. In November 2004, Moscow agreed to sell Caracas as many as 30 combat helicopters and 100,000 automatic rifles. In addition, Venezuela is considering the purchase of up to 50 MiG-29 fighter jets from Russia to replace aging F-16s.

The Russia-Venezuela arms deal was widely criticized in Washington. Both Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld and Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice have voiced strong opposition to the deal. In late 2004, Venezuela's President Hugo Chavez visited Beijing, where he signed several oil sector investment deals with the China National Petroleum Corporation. Chavez has also stated that he would like to give oil export preference to China rather than the US. China also signed significant energy-related investment deals with Brazil, Ecuador and Argentina in 2004. The willingness of Beijing and Moscow to challenge US security so close to home clearly indicates that a geostrategic battle has begun.


Security threat or strategic competitor?

Beijing's expanding foreign relations both within and outside the China-Iran-Russia alliance and China's growing militarism have begun to repaint Washington's perceptions of US-China relations. These perceptions have been echoed by Washington's closest allies in Asia - Taipei and Tokyo. In mid-2004, reports by both the US-China Economic and Security Review Commission (USCC) and the Pentagon depicted China as a major threat to US national security.

The USCC was created by Congress in 2000 "to monitor, investigate and submit to Congress an annual report on the national security implications of the bilateral trade and economic relationship between the United States and the People's Republic of China, and to provide recommendations, where appropriate, to Congress for legislative and administrative action". In June 2004, the USCC released its annual report on China.

This report noted that China was deliberately using economic warfare against Washington by creating a "competitive advantage over US manufacturers". The report specifically referred to the undervaluation of the yuan against the dollar and Beijing's (alleged) disregard for World Trade Organization rules as weapons in China's economic war with the US. The report described China's expanding relations with Iran as countering multilateral efforts to stabilize international oil supplies and prices.

The USCC report also noted that Russia was supplying increasingly sophisticated weapons to China and that these weapons were part of Beijing's strategy for defeating US forces in the event of war with Taiwan. A congressionally mandated report on China by the Pentagon described China's Russia-assisted military buildup as giving China the ability "to cause significant damage to all of Taiwan's airfields and quickly degrade Taiwan's ground based air-defenses and associated command and control". Most alarming, the Pentagon report warned that Chinese military strategists were considering the use of nuclear weapons against US and Taiwanese forces.

The Bush administration's concern over China's growing military power is also depicted in Washington's reaction to the European Union's proposed lifting of its China arms embargo. Washington's greatest concern about renewed arms trade between the EU and China was that this trade would permanently tip the balance of power away from Taiwan and toward China. Even worse, European arms could be used to kill US troops in Asia. Of course, the possibility of Beijing using European weapons to kill US troops presupposes that a war between China and the US will erupt.

Taiwan's President Chen Shui-bian and his Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) share Washington's concerns about China's military threat. The Chen government's concern stems from its drive for Taiwan's independence from China and Beijing's forceful reminders that Taiwan is part of China. In the lead up to Taiwan's legislative elections in late 2004, Chen campaigned on a platform of Taiwanese independence. Though Chen's DPP suffered significant losses in these elections, Beijing's response was largely entrained in the form of China's anti-secession law.

The law was meant to firmly warn Chen against seeking Taiwan's independence from China in the event that the DPP won a legislative majority. The DPP's losses to the unification-minded opposition takes much of the bite out of the law. In addition, Chen's opposition, the Nationalist Party, has permanently stalled legislation seeking about $18 billion to bolster Taiwan's missile defense system. The opposition has realized that Taiwan has no hope of defending against a military attack from the mainland, prompting renewed ties between Taiwan's Nationalist Party and Beijing.

Along with Washington and Taipei, Tokyo also demonstrated its growing concern over China's increasing military might. In December 2004, the Japanese Defense Agency issued a defense policy guideline that defined China as a potential security threat. The report noted, "China, which has significant influence on the region's security, has been modernizing its nuclear and missile capabilities as well as naval and air forces, and expanding its area of operation at sea."

In a joint US-Japan security statement issued in February, Tokyo went further, agreeing that Japan would "encourage the peaceful resolution of issues concerning the Taiwan Strait through dialogue". Both the defense policy guideline and Tokyo's concern over tension between China and Taiwan are a dramatic departure from Japan's post-war foreign policy. The change in foreign policy focus from military pacifism to military assertion is being driven by Washington's own security concerns.

These same concerns drove Tokyo to encourage oil exploration in an area of the East China Sea that is claimed by China. Japan's military assertion has accelerated China's defense buildup while contributing to the creation of the China-Iran-Russia alliance. The shift in Tokyo's foreign policy has led to a sharp deterioration in China's relations with Japan. Foreign policies in Beijing, Washington and Tokyo are all characterized by two separate components - geopolitical relations and economic relations.


Cold War redux

Beijing's geopolitical relations with Washington and Tokyo are arguably at their lowest ebb since China established formal relations with the US and Japan in the 1970s. The deterioration in China's relations with the US and Japan and the resultant improvement in relations with Iran and Russia are being driven by Washington's outsized global security concerns. These security concerns are becoming a self-fulfilling prophecy for Washington.

In sharp contrast to geopolitical relations, economic relations between Beijing, Washington and Tokyo remain quite strong. The mutual interdependence of these economies argues strongly against the preeminence of security issues in overall relations. China is the largest trading partner of Japan and third largest trading partner of the US. In addition to substantial trade links, American and Japanese companies have invested tens of billions of dollars in China over the past 15 years. Nonetheless, Beijing, Washington and Tokyo have all elevated the importance of security to overall economic well-being.

While a conflict between the US and China over Iran or North Korea cannot be ruled out, economic interdependence suggests Beijing and Washington have entered a period of geopolitical detente. Beijing's increasingly close relations with Moscow and Tehran will contain Washington's further military projection in the Middle East, Central Asia and Asia and foil the Bush administration's plans for subduing uncooperative governments in Iran and North Korea. Finally, Washington's unilateralist foreign policy will increasingly isolate the US to the benefit of China's foreign economic relations, making Beijing all the stronger.

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Jephraim P Gundzik is president of Condor Advisers, Inc. Condor Advisers provides emerging markets investment risk analysis to individuals and institutions globally. Please visit for further information.

(Copyright 2005 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us for information on sales, syndication and republishing.)
          Nepal-India-Bangladesh        
India Grapples with Specter of Failing States

by Sultan Shahin [from Asia Times]

http://www.atimes.com/atimes/South_Asia/GB15Df01.html


NEW DELHI - For the past five years or more, India was almost exclusively obsessed with facing threats from Pakistan. Also, it has been busy promoting its emerging "big power status" and lobbying for a permanent veto-wielding United Nations Security Council seat. Playing its "rightful role" in world affairs was the goal. Now suddenly, it is seized with the nightmarish vision of two potentially failing steps on its eastern doorstep, one likely to be soon overrun by Maoists with links to Indian radicals of the same hue, and the other dominated by Islamic fundamentalists with links to al-Qaeda and Pakistani extremists. Indeed, the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) is also predicting that Pakistan could be a failed state by 2015.

India seems not to know how to respond to events unfolding in Nepal and Bangladesh. Right-wing opposition is pillorying the government for what it calls its knee-jerk reactions. But some good may come out of this as New Delhi focuses its sights closer home. The Ministry of External Affairs has, however, promised to come out with its South Asian strategy soon.

When Nepal's King Gyanendra seized power on February 1, India reacted angrily, according to its first impulses; democratic, as democracy had been trampled on; and super-powerish, as its specific advice to the king not to go ahead with the widely suspected coup had been ignored, thus challenging India's pre-eminent status in the region.

Much sanctimonious posturing and pretentious outrage ensued. A regional summit meeting was postponed as a democratic leader of India couldn't be seen shaking hands with a constitutional monarch who had assumed power, put political leaders under house arrest, jailed journalists and suspended civil liberties. A planned visit of the army chief was also canceled.

Now the democratic impulse has run its course, super-powerish rage has subsided, and a sense of reality has set in. New Delhi cannot afford to disengage with Nepal and thus leave the door open for China and Pakistan to step in and perhaps establish a permanent military presence on India's northeastern borders. Following in the footsteps of China and Pakistan, therefore, India's Defense Minister Pranab Mukherjee, too, has called the developments an internal matter of Nepal. India said last Wednesday its response to the recent developments in Nepal would be dictated by the clout of the Maoists agitating for the abolition of the monarchy in the Himalayan kingdom.

A meeting of the Indo-Nepal joint security group that was to be held later this month to work out details of supplies that the Royal Nepal Army (RNA) needs has now been called off. But speaking in his capacity as a member of the Cabinet Committee on Security, the defense minter said, "We recognize that if the security situation [in Nepal] deteriorates due to increased Maoist influence, it will heighten our own internal security threat. It is not an ordinary thing if they [Maoists] increase their influence and strength in the neighboring Himalayan kingdom. If Maoist activity is not constrained, this may cause problems to us." Mukherjee explained, "There is extremist activity in a large number of our states. Because of the porous border, there is a threat perception that once they [Maoists] exert more influence in Nepal, there will be an impact here. Our policy will be keeping that in view."

Already, fearing a crackdown following the assumption of all powers by Gyanendra, a number of senior political leaders and activists have slipped into India's bordering states, Uttaranchal, West Bengal, Bihar and Jharkhand, causing a lot of concern among security agencies. Some cadres of the Communist Party of Nepal (CPN) have reportedly sneaked into West Bengal, Bihar and Jharkhand, where they could indulge in extortion and get into clashes with other Maoist groups.

According to a report submitted by the intelligence agencies to the Home Ministry, CPN cadres had slipped through the porous India-Nepal border and could be now engaged in extortion rackets in Jharkhand and Bihar. The presence of CPN cadres has the potential to spark bloody clashes with the Maoist Communist Center (MCC) and the People's War Group (PWG), which already operate in the two states and are engaged in extortion rackets themselves. In fact, there have already been some reports of clashes between the CPN and the MCC, but none have turned too ugly so far.

It seems India's military relationship with Nepal is also not going to be affected as a result of the monarch's coup. Revealing that the Nepal army had sent a communique to the Indian army seeking continuance of friendly relations, Mukherjee said India had responded "along the same lines". He continued, "The missive did not specifically seek additional arms and equipment to counter the Maoists and India had stated that close bilateral military ties should continue. We have a long-standing relationship with the RNA. That relationship stands.

"The RNA wanted reiteration of the same policy," added the defense minister, number two in India's government hierarchy. And, of course, India has obliged. India recently supplied helicopters, mine-proof vehicles, guns and ammunition to the RNA to counter the Maoists. A second tranche reportedly is in the offing, but the minister did not specify whether it would go through in the present circumstances or whether specific requests for any military hardware had been made.


The Bangladesh headache

New Delhi shows similar ambivalence and what its critics term "cluelessness" in dealing with the other potentially failing state, on its eastern border, the Islamic Republic of Bangladesh. The National Awami Party-led and Islamic fundamentalist-supported government of Prime Minister Khaleda Zia keeps thumbing its nose at India, allowing Indian rebels from northeastern states a sanctuary, though constantly denying their presence, and allowing militants to make assassination bids on secular leaders who campaign for friendship with secular, democratic India.

Former prime minister Sheikh Hasina Wajed, the only surviving daughter of the father of Bangladesh liberation and former prime minister Sheikh Mujibur Rehman, barely survived an assassination attempt last August, and the widely respected former finance minister in her government, Shah A S Kibria, was killed in an Islamist bomb attack on his political rally a couple of weeks ago.

In its bid to work out a coherent policy toward these neighbors, in whose functioning as normal, secular democratic states India has a great stake, impinging on its own long-term security, the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is at present focused on two primary questions, sources in the government told Asia Times Online.

One, should the government adopt a carrot or/and stick policy, and to what measure toward whom? Two, should New Delhi try to solve these problems through a bilateral or a multilateral approach involving the United Nations, or world powers such as the United States and the United Kingdom, and/or regional powers like China and Pakistan?

In the context of the first question, some sections in the government have resurrected the love doctrine of depending on carrots propounded and implemented for some time by former prime minister Inder Kumar Gujral. This is also known as the Gujral doctrine. Gujral is a former congressman who led a government in the mid-1990s very much similar to the present UPA government in its orientation and support structure, except that the Congress Party then was supported from outside. He had started implementing it as a foreign minister in an earlier Deve Gowda-led government of what was then a "third front" supported by the Congress Party.

The Gujral doctrine primarily stood for India as a big power being magnanimous in its dealings with smaller neighbors and not to expect reciprocity from them every time it gave them a concession. It was very successful in earning the respect and affection of the smaller South Asian neighbors that surround India. As President General Pervez Musharraf of Pakistan told this correspondent at a luncheon table in Lahore a couple of months ago, when a smaller country makes a unilateral concession it is considered a surrender to big-power politics, but when the same gesture is shown by a big power, it is called generosity and magnanimity. Clearly, there are many takers for the Gujral doctrine in India's complex neighborhood.

The one time India was genuinely popular in the neighborhood, as the Times of India wrote in one of its editorials some time ago, was during the short stint of Gujral of the socialist Janata Dal, who was sensitive to the fears of smaller neighbors. The Gujral doctrine of assisting neighbors without expecting them to reciprocate was criticized by hawks in the establishment for giving in to pressure from India's smaller neighbors, but obviously it proved the more successful policy. The newspaper reminded its readers that India had a reasonably good relationship with all its neighbors before the Hindu fundamentalist Bhartiya Janata Party-led coalition government of Atal Bihari Vajpayee took office in 1998.

The Vajpayee government theorized that India would be better able to project its big-power status on the world scene if it succeeded in making its neighbors fear India's military power, and thus respect its dictates. But the near-contempt with which even the smallest and weakest of its neighbors treat India makes it clear that the sticks-only policy failed. Most distressingly for many observers, these neighbors, like Nepal and Bangladesh, are on the verge of becoming failed states and are almost wholly dependent on India for their survival. They are called "India-locked" due to their multiple dependencies on India for a variety of geopolitical reasons. And yet they neither love nor fear India.

Hawkish supporters of the Hindu fundamentalist doctrine explain the failure of this policy by complaining that Vajpayee did not implement it fully. For instance, India never bombed insurgents and civilian areas where they may be hiding in Kashmir or the northeast from the air in the manner of the US in Iraq or Russia in Chechnya or Israel with the Palestinians. How then could India expect to be feared by its insurgents and neighbors, they ask.

Right-wing columnist Swapan Dasgupta, for instance, comments, "King Gyanendra's faith in his own leadership may well be misplaced, but the South Asian experience suggests that non-ethnic insurgencies are rarely settled by following democratic niceties. The Naxalites [Maoists] in West Bengal, the Khalistanis in Punjab and the JVP [People's Liberation Front] in Sri Lanka were defeated by meticulous military operations that violated every clause of the human-rights charter. Saving democracy entailed putting democracy on the back-burner."

Mainstream India is, however, wiser by experience. Even half a million soldiers have not been able to pacify Kashmiri insurgency, despite cross-border infiltration having come to a virtual halt for nearly a year and a half. Neither has the US been successful in Iraq, nor the Russians in Chechnya, nor the Israelis in Palestine, despite the unrestricted use of brute force for years. With three-fourths of Nepal already under Maoist control, and vast masses of people on their side, the Nepalese king, with his 80,000 soldiers, who were primarily palace guards, though recently equipped with modern weapons by India and the US, hardly stand a chance of success in the near future.

Academic Pratap Bhanu Mehta takes a more balanced approach. His diagnosis and lament: "A great power ought to be loved or feared, or both. We do not offer carrots that are attractive enough for our neighbors to love us; our stick is not strong enough for them to fear us. We yet again helplessly watch Nepal drift by. We do not appear to have the military capabilities to transplant democracy or bring the Maoists to heel. Nor do we have other forms of soft power to greatly influence the outcome. We once again are left to pick up the pieces."

On the question of whether to take a bilateral or a multilateral approach, almost the entire media and a good chunk of intelligentsia advise the government to take a multilateral approach, and globalize the conflict in Nepal, as well as the growing Islamist threat in Bangladesh. India has, however, traditionally disliked the idea of international intervention in the South Asian region, which it considers its own turf. Inviting others would be an admission of failure on its part, it is felt by large sections in the bureaucracy. It was only with reluctance and rather a sense of helplessness that Delhi recently acknowledged US forces as having a role to play in providing relief in tsunami-hit Sri Lanka.

There is strong resistance in the government to thinking about South Asian security in multilateral terms. Taking the Kashmir dispute to the UN has not been a good experience for India. Until today, Kashmiri secessionists and their backers in Pakistan waved UN resolutions of 1948 in front of Indian eyes to prove their points, even though Musharraf seems to have realized their irrelevance in the present context. So go-it-alone would be the preferred policy for many in the government.

India's largest-circulation newspaper, The Times of India, is the most unequivocal in advising a multilateral approach. In a comment typical of editorials in other mainstream newspapers it says, "It is time for New Delhi to shed its customary ambiguity and address the problem head-on. But first we must get over our go-it-alone mindset. In today's globalizing world, no one should consider geography crucial to its strategic influence. So, it would be in India's interest to internationalize the Nepal crisis and try to win over as many nations as possible to our point of view. It is imperative that India take the issue up at the UN and lobby to work out a consensus on the best way to restore democracy in Nepal. As we have seen, Beijing, Islamabad and Dhaka have been trying to fish in troubled waters by insisting that the king's abolition of democracy is an internal matter for Nepal. Bangladesh, ever eager to put India down, has added its voice to this chorus. If we were to bring up the issue at the UN, China, Pakistan and Bangladesh would be hard put to explain why they support a move inimical to democracy. It would also expose their own undemocratic systems of government as being the reason for their energetic espousal of King Gyanendra's action."

While resistance from foreign-policy mandarins is palpable, the Times of India's comment seems to represent a cross-section of public opinion in India, which is disgusted at the royal coup, particularly because this king is not as popular as the previous ones, except in Hindu fundamentalist circles that have come out in his support and are demanding that India go out of the way to support him.

The paper continues, giving voice to what can be expected to be general opinion in the country: "Our focus should be on getting King Gyanendra to revert to his position as a constitutional monarch since New Delhi accepts that the two pillars of governance in Nepal are the monarchy and the political parties. India should help enable the Nepalese people to voice their opinion on what sort of political system they would like, and whether the monarchy has a valid role to play in it. Meanwhile, we should put pressure on the king by cutting off the arms supplies which we have so generously provided in the past. But under no circumstances should New Delhi be seen to do anything detrimental to the people of this desperately poor nation. Any verdict we are able to secure in the UN cannot be dismissed lightly by an already isolated king. This will ensure a speedy, and hopefully lasting, solution to the Kathmandu crisis."

At the moment of writing, however, it is not at all clear as to what approach the government will take. Its traditional ambiguity continues to dominate the debate, in the absence of a strong and decisive leader like former prime minister Indira Gandhi, who is missed in such moments of crisis. Manmohan Singh is still an unknown entity, though many are drawing comparisons with him and Gujral, hailing as both do from the mystical land of Punjab. Wishful thinking though it may be, some are hoping that this soft-spoken scholar-politician will follow India's first prime minister and pre-eminent leader of his Congress Party Jawaharlal Nehru's multilateral approach, and his fellow Punjabi intellectual-politician Gujral's love-thy-neighbor doctrine. His moves in the next few days will be watched with great interest and some trepidation.


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Sultan Shahin is a New Delhi-based writer.

[Copyright 2005 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us for information on sales, syndication and republishing.]
           Julio M. Shiling: Cuando la no violencia es insuficiente        

 â€œEl acto del domingo es totalmente legítimo”: General Antonio Rivero


 ***********
Tomado de https://patriademarti.com/

Cuando la no violencia es insuficiente


Por Julio M. Shiling
8 de agosto de 2017

Ho Chi Minh comentó en una ocasión que si Mahatma Gandhi hubiera tenido que combatir a los franceses, hubiera abandonado la lucha no violenta en una semana. El padre fundacional de la dictadura comunista vietnamita, en su crítica a la metodología de enfrentamiento político del pacifista hindú y forjador de la independencia india, estaba haciendo una apreciación cualitativa del enemigo que se está combatiendo. El despiadado Minh no fue el único crítico de la resistencia no violenta como método de lucha.

Eric Arthur Blair, mejor conocido por su pseudónimo de George Orwell, consideraba que el movimiento no violento como estrategia para el cambio político, urgía de tener al oponente dentro del espacio de un marco sistémico desde donde operar que disponga de una serie de factores que incluyan una prensa libre, el derecho de poder congregarse en público para expresar el descontento y determinadas otras condiciones a priori para que dicha táctica de lucha pudiera tener éxito. En otras palabras, la resistencia no violenta, para el insigne cronista y ensayista británico, parte de la conceptualización metodológica en la política que lleva por nombre la desobediencia civil y ésta requiere la presencia de condiciones intrínsecas y preexistentes en el modelo sociopolítico donde se pretende resolver o mitigar el problema en cuestión. Cuando juzgamos la validez de la tesis que condiciona y limita la viabilidad de aplicar la lucha no violenta y lograr los cambios deseados al sistema democrático exclusivamente, vemos que la misma goza, convincentemente, del respaldo de la evidencia histórica.

Cuando el filósofo y escritor estadounidense del transcendentalismo, Henry David Thoreau, publicó en 1849 su ensayo insigne Resistencia al gobierno civil (luego renombrado Desobediencia civil) racionalizando sus acciones de desobediencia civil contra el Estado norteamericano por su oposición a la esclavitud y a la Guerra de México-EE UU, no creo que haya podido medir el alcance que tendría su obra, fundamentando una especie de ideología y ética que inspiraría a generaciones de activistas y teóricos políticos. Algunos de los otros activistas que han abrazado este modo de accionar por la vía de la confrontación pacifica están Martin Luther King, Jr., Mairead Maguire, Desmond Tutu y Jody Williams.

De los mencionados, todos menos Tutu, el obispo anglicano sudafricano, realizaron la lucha no violenta para promover a sus causas respectivas dentro de las estructuras prototípicas de una democracia (King: los derechos civiles en EE UU; Maguire: la violencia en Irlanda del Norte; Williams: una campaña contra minas personales). En esos casos, la existencia sistémica de la libertad de expresión e información, tanto personal como institucional, probaron ser eficaz para la concienciación de la ciudadanía y de la clase política, dado el terreno acogedor que proporciona una democracia para admitir autocorrecciones y perfeccionamientos y acomodar el lujo de los procesos evolutivos, confinado a un marco ambiental pacífico y ordenado.

Tutu ejerció su activismo no violento dentro de una dictadura, pero ésta fue una de corte netamente autoritario. Es importante aclarar este punto técnico y muy relevante. Sin negar la crueldad y la injusticia inherente del modelo racista del apartheid sudafricano, existe una diferencia cualitativa impresionante entre dictaduras de corte autoritario y esas con regímenes totalitarios. Las del primer grupo, son estructuras despóticas más débiles y a la vez, más fáciles de conspirar al limitar éstas el control dictatorial a la esfera política sólo. Regímenes autoritarios son más sensibles también a la crítica y a la presión política desde afuera, entre muchas razones, por la incapacidad o el desinterés de estas versiones del despotismo de establecer alianzas sólidas con otros gobiernos y movimientos internacionales, de conllevar campañas de relaciones públicas eficaces en el exterior y de operar en la diplomacia, multilateralmente.

El desmantelamiento de la dictadura racista de África del Sur, reflejó el éxito de la campaña no violenta de personas como Tutu, pero más impacto tuvieron las presiones que ejercieron grupos y activistas políticos de las democracias del mundo libre que se interesaron por la causa anti apartheid. El embargo comercial que lograron establecer, la estampida de empresas multinacionales con el curso de desinvertir en el país que adoptaron, el ostracismo aplicado a los que defendían el estatus quo, fue lo que marcó la diferencia y eso vino desde afuera donde el activismo político no violento impactó a la clase política en las democracias del mundo.

La caída del comunismo soviético y sus casos subsecuentes de transiciones exitosas, de transiciones frustradas, de reversiones y de algunas otras rescatadas o en evolución, vio posteriormente el ascenso de las postulaciones de la lucha no violenta del politólogo estadounidense, Gene Sharp. Gran parte de la disidencia y la oposición de países donde hay regímenes no democráticos hoy, han acogido con una reverencia épica la teoría del activismo de resistencia pacífica del autor de La política de la acción no violenta (1973) y De dictadura a democracia (1994). La teoría de Sharp reposa sobre la premisa de que la esencia del poder radica fundamentalmente en la obediencia de los sujetos al liderazgo político. Si se logra que los sujetos no obedezcan al poder político, sostiene el teórico norteamericano, los dirigentes no tendrían poder y consecuentemente, la dictadura se desploma o marchita.

Los que miran a la caída del socialismo real de la URSS y del ex bloque socialista de Europa y le acreditan ese desmoronamiento a la lucha no violenta que se realizó, estarían cometiendo un error serio de análisis. Nunca los procesos históricos se deben a un factor singular como el causante, eso es cierto. No es menos cierto, sin embargo, que no todas las variables en juego protagonizan un papel de igual importancia.

El desvanecimiento mortal del comunismo soviético (no del comunismo) tuvo como agente de cambio primordial la modificación que el gobierno de Ronald Reagan le dio a la política estadounidense para liderar con el marxismo-leninismo bajo el eje de Moscú. Al sustituir la estrategia de contención por una de reversión, cambió la dinámica de la Guerra Fría. Con enorme cuantías de dinero, municiones, tecnología, logística y sobre todo, de dirección moral, por numerosas operaciones a través del globo, oxigenó el bando de los buenos y los llevó a una victoria (más allá de que mucho se perdió luego en la paz).

Las acciones pacíficas de los grupos pequeños de manifestantes que iniciaron las protestas y más tarde se convirtieron en grandes masas, no fue el factor causal del derrumbe del comunismo soviético. Más bien fue un síntoma de esta otra variable seminal que constituyó la política de Estado de las fuerzas anticomunistas que incluían los gobiernos de: Reagan, Margaret Thatcher, Juan Pablo II, Helmut Kohl y otros actores con acciones de enfrentamiento bélico directo al comunismo en Granada, Nicaragua, Angola, Afganistán, El Salvador; y un activismo conspirativo no bélico en Polonia y otras partes del bloque socialista. China comunista y lo que ocurrió cinco meses antes del derrumbe del Muro de Berlín en la Plaza de Tiananmén en 1989, queda como prueba fehaciente que la lucha no violenta desprovista de otras variables causales que incluyen la fuerza bélica, la amenaza de ella (real o percibida) u otro agravio letal a su régimen dictatorial, sólo ofrece quimeras que en la práctica no produce los cambios políticos deseados por los demócratas.

Los humanos operan todos dentro de un esquema de valores. Regímenes dictatoriales de dominación total (totalitarios) no viven bajo el mismo código moral que los demócratas. Los comunistas, los fascistas y los islamistas radicales tienen otro entendimiento del universo y no están confinados, ni remotamente, con los rigores éticos que sostienen los adherentes a los principios democráticos. El pretender sensibilizar a la gama de facinerosos que dirigen los regímenes totalitarios y sus satélites, es como aspirar a que un psicópata que asesina grotescamente, se logre concienciar e enternecer al contemplar el horror de sus acciones contemplando a las víctimas y los reclamos de éstas por vía de sus defensores. La propia patología del malévolo hace que esa conducta monstruosa le produzca placer y sólo sirve para satisfacer su necesidad cruel. Los carceleros de Auschwitz y Boniato y los dirigentes de los sistemas que hicieron todo lo que ahí ocurrió posible, no han sido (o no son) personas muy sensibles.

La lucha cívica no violenta, podrá ser un elemento que contribuya a la liberación de una nación subyugada por el despotismo. Al enfrentar regímenes totalitarios o sus gobiernos satélites, dicha estrategia está completamente contingente de una política liberadora adicional más potente para que su aporte sea medible al final. De lo contrario, el remedio de la confrontación pacífica quedará relegado a actos de heroicidad inspiradores y épicos, pero incapaz por si solos, de producir cambios políticos significativos.


          Framing debates on IP & Health - Part II        
This is part 2 of a 3 part series on "Framing debates on IP & Health". As mentioned in part I, I want to use this series to argue that the manner in which IP debates are framed in the health context, play a large role in claim-staking, even if the claims used are ones that ought to have no role in IP policy. Further, that this manner of framing is more useful to the traditional 'access' side of the debate than it is to the 'innovator' side - and that despite being more useful to one side, this can help in balancing the debate. I will do this by making two distinct claims (Part 1 and then this post) and then weave them together (third post) to explain how they can help balance this debate. There is nothing new per se about these arguments but with the recent rise in discussion over compulsory licenses, human rights, international agreements and IP standards, I thought an articulation of these arguments would be useful. Please note, these claims are distinct but are meant to be read together.
[Part 1 has argued that "human rights" based claims do not add any value to the analytical framework of patents and public health.]

[ Claim 2: Public Choice theory indicates that Corporations benefiting from IP based rents will have more influence on IP policy than others ]

Without getting into normative questions of what kind of innovation policy is best suited for a country's progress, it is hardly debateable to say that IP's role in a country's innovation policy ought to take into account several internal as well as external considerations. External considerations such as the country's technical capabilities, the economic condition of its populace, etc; and internal considerations such as the depth and breath of, as well as flexibilities and exceptions to an exclusion-rights based regime that any country would need to take into account in order to appropriately further its innovation policy. 

Needless to say, the 'take it or leave it' nature of the WTO Agreements meant that most, if not all, of these considerations were not really in focus when most nations agreed to the TRIPS Agreement - as they all wanted the trade benefits of joining the WTO. With the backbone of the TRIPS Agreement being provided by a consortium of industry executives (headed by Pfizer's CEO), the terms of the debate started off at such a high point, that negotiations after that point had little chance to bring terms to a real 'middle' position between what several of the developing countries wanted (50 of which had no food or medicine patents prior to TRIPS) and what the fewer numbered developed countries wanted. 

The interesting aspect here is the manner in which large corporate houses managed to convince their own state governments that their interests matched the states - and that these are the positions that states pushed forward as their own. This pattern has continued for the most part into today's world as well, through multilateral agreements such as the ACTA or TPP, Free Trade Agreement negotiations such as the EU-India FTA and even Bilateral Investment Treaties which deem IP to be 'investments'.

The point of this is not to say that large corporate houses necessarily have interests which conflict with the interests of the general public - I am not making that claim here - it is simply to point out that they have been extremely successful in getting their 'claims' standardized as global IP norms, despite being in the minority. For eg, in terms of sheer numbers, there are far more 'least developed' countries, developing countries, civil society NGOs, activists, academics, etc who are (and have been) opposed to more stringent IP norms. The question then is 'how is a minority able to reject the majority so successfully?

Public Choice Theory explains how this comes to be. Kapczynski puts it succinctly in her paper A2K Mobilization and the New Politics of IP
"IP rights, the argument goes, create opportunities for potentially lucrative rents. Businesses that could benefit from such rents recognize this fact and will generally be willing to spend up to the amount of their potential rents in order to secure these rights. Those most hurt by stronger IP are industries based upon copying, which do not enjoy monopoly rents, and average consumers, each of whom may be hurt in small ways and/or far in the future. In the “market” for law, then, IP industries purportedly enjoy a significant advantage."
This essentially tells us that businesses benefiting from rent through IP rights, though a minority, are incentivized into concentrating their resources towards a coordinated and concentrated purpose. At the same time, a greater majority (including competing businesses who are not dependent on rent through IP) may not be able nor want to effectively coordinate their actions in an organized manner, (if at all), due to a variety of reasons - including that individual harms from the 'bad' policy in question are usually too small to incentivize individuals into acting as a collective and expending the necessary transaction costs involved in such collective and organized actions. Now of course with the internet and digital communication, there are several instances wherein these transaction costs have been minimized greatly. Nonetheless, the point still stands that the concentrated minority is better able to effect policy change than a diluted majority.

Thus, IP centric businesses are able to play a larger role than competing stakeholder interests in influencing IP policy.

[Part I is available here. Part III is available here.] 

          CILA 2008        
La Conferencia Internacional de Las Américas (CILA 2008) será el punto de encuentro con más de 2,000 jóvenes de la República Dominicana, Latinoamérica y otras regiones del mundo, con la expectativa de que éstos trabajen juntos en un ambiente de diplomacia y cooperación en búsqueda de soluciones a los retos que la comunidad internacional enfrenta actualmente.

En la conferencia se simularán 12 órganos y comisiones de las Naciones Unidas y otras instituciones multilaterales, regionales e internacionales. Se realizarán también varias actividades regionales como el Foro Juvenil Regional de la UNESCO, la Reunión de directores de las Asociaciones de las Naciones Unidas (ANUs) y los Centros de Información de las Naciones Unidas (CINUs), y el Seminario-Taller Regional para Periodistas y Comunicadores sobre Naciones Unidas y Asuntos Globales. Además presentaremos EXPOCILA 2008, nuestra Feria de Responsabilidad Social Empresarial y Medio ambiente sostenible.

Simultáneamente a la conferencia, se impartirán seminarios, conferencias magistrales, talleres, exhibiciones y actividades sociales y culturales sobre temas relacionados directamente a los Objetivos de Desarrollo del Milenio de las Naciones Unidas. El evento se lleva a cabo con la colaboración de la Fundación Global Democracia y Desarrollo, y su institución hermana en los Estados Unidos Global Foundation for Democracy and Development (FUNGLODE/GFDD), y la Federación Mundial de Asociaciones de Naciones Unidas (FMANU). El encuentro se desarrollará en el Centro de Convenciones Barceló Bávaro, Punta Cana, República Dominicana, del 15 al 19 de octubre de 2008.

Fuente:http://www.unadr.org/new-anudr/paginaview.php?codigo=134

Mas Adelante documentación para participar:
















          APBN 2009 dimasa Krisis Global        
Likuiditas ketat di tengah krisis finansial saat ini dipastikan tidak akan mengganggu neraca pembayaran dan belanja Indonesia. Anggaran Pendapatan dan Belanja Negara (APBN) 2009 dapat kepastian dari standby loan (pinjaman siaga) dan bilateral swap arrangement (BSA).

Menkeu dan Plt Menko Perekonomian Sri Mulyani Indrawati mengemukakan, fasilitas itu akan menjadi salah satu jaminan kepastian bagi kesinambungan neraca keuangan Indonesia. Pemerintah mendapat komitmen standby loan hingga USD 5 miliar. Antara lain, dari Australia, Jepang, ADB, dan World Bank.

Fasilitas pinjaman itu akan dicairkan atau tidak tergantung dari kebutuhan pemerintah.

Untuk bilateral swap arrangement, pemerintah mencapai kesepakatan dengan Jepang senilai USD 6 miliar, Tiongkok USD 4 miliar, dan Korea Selatan USD 2 miliar. Jumlah itu termasuk Inisiatif Chiang Mai yang saat ini dikaji dan dibahas ASEAN Plus 3.

Menurut dia, pinjaman bilateral menjadi langkah tepat untuk menjamin kepastian pembiayaan APBN. Sebab, mencari dana lewat emisi surat utang dalam kondisi saat ini berisiko. Apalagi, para pelaku pasar juga tengah mengalami krisis likuiditas.

Namun, dia mengakui pemerintah masih mengkaji semua alternatif. Jika emisi obligasi sulit dilakukan, baru standby loan akan dicairkan.

Ekonom Mirza Adityaswara menilai pemerintah memang sebaiknya mengandalkan pinjaman bilateral dan multilateral untuk pembiayaan APBN 2009. Dan sangat riskan menerbitkan surat utang dalam kondisi saat ini.

          A New Environmental Exception in the JEEPA?        
This is from the Trade and Sustainable Development chapter of the Japan-EU Economic Partnership Agreement (JEEPA), circulated by the EU last week: Article 4 Multilateral environmental agreements ... 4. The Parties reaffirm their commitment to achieving the ultimate objective of...
          Fumbling towards multilateralism? A first read of the investment text in the Japan-EU FTA         
The Japan-EU trade deal, the JEEPA, has many facets and implications-economic, geopolitical and legal. On its own, the text of the investment chapter merits attention. The EU and Japan seemed to have scrapped the classic BIT/investor protection architecture as a...
          Policy & Procedure for External Commercial Borrowings (ECB), India        

Policy & Procedure for External Commercial Borrowings (ECB)

I. ECB POLICY:

1. External Commercial Borrowings (ECBs) are defined to include commercial bank loans, buyers' credit, suppliers' credit, securitised instruments such as Floating Rate Notes and Fixed Rate Bonds etc., credit from official export credit agencies and commercial borrowings from the private sector window of Multilateral Financial Institutions such as International Finance Corporation (Washington), ADB, AFIC, CDC, etc.

2. ECBs are being permitted by the Government as a source of finance for Indian Corporates for expansion of existing capacity as well as for fresh investment.

3. The policy seeks to keep an annual cap or ceiling on access to ECB, consistent with prudent debt management.

4. The policy also seeks to give greater priority for projects in the infrastructure and core sectors such as Power, oil Exploration, Telecom, Railways, Roads & Bridges, Ports, Industrial Parks and Urban Infrastructure etc. and the export sector. Development Financial Institutions, through their sub-lending against the ECB approvals are also expected to give priority to the needs of medium and small scale units.

5. Applicants will be free to raise ECB from any internationally recognised source such as banks, export credit agencies, suppliers of equipment, foreign collaborators, foreign equity-holders, international capital markets etc. offers from unrecognised sources will not be entertained.

AVERAGE MATURITIES FOR ECB

6. ECBs should have the following minimum average maturities :

a) Minimum average maturity of three years for external commercial borrowings equal to or less than USD 20 million equivalent in respect of all sectors except 100% EOUs;

b) Minimum average maturity of five years for external commercial borrowings greater than USD 20 million equivalent in respect of all sectors except 100% EOUs;

c) 100% Export oriented Units (EOUs) are permitted ECB at a minimum average maturity of three years for any amount.

d) Bonds and FRNs can be raised in tranches of different maturities as long as the average maturity of the different tranches within the same overall approval taken together satisfies the maturity criteria prescribed in the ECB guidelines. In such cases, it is expected that longer term borrowings would necessarily precede that of the shorter tenors. The longer the initial tenor the shorter the subsequent tranches can be within the average maturity.

USD 5 MILLION SCHEME

7. All Corporates and Institutions are permitted to raise ECB upto USD 5 million equivalent at a minimum simple maturity of 3 years. Borrowers may utilise the proceeds under this window for general corporate objectives without any end-use use restrictions excluding investments in stock-markets or in real estate. The loan amount may be raised in one or more tranches subject to the caveat that the total outstanding loan under this scheme at any point of time should not exceed USD 5 million. Each tranche should have a minimum simple maturity of 3 years.

As a measure of simplification and de-regulation for the benefit of corporates and institutions, Government have delegated the sanctioning powers to Reserve Bank of India (RBI) under this scheme with effect from 15th December, 1996 and further delegation with effect from 01/01/1999. Corporates and Institutions are advised to submit their applications under this scheme to the Exchange Control Department of RBI, Mumbai.

EXPORTERS/FOREIGN EXCHANGE EARNERS

8. Corporates who have foreign exchange earnings are permitted to raise ECB upto thrice the average amount of annual exports during the previous three years subject to a maximum of USD 200 million without end-use restrictions, i.e. for general corporate objectives excluding investments in stock markets or in real estate. The minimum average maturity will be three years upto USD 20 million equivalent and five years for ECBs exceeding USD 20 million. The maximum level of entitlement in any one year is a cumulative limit and debt outstanding under earlier approvals (earstwhile USD 15 million exporters scheme and thereafter) will be netted out to determine annual eligibility.

INFRASTRUCTURE PROJECTS

9. Holding Companies/promoters will be permitted to raise ECB upto a maximum of USD 50 million equivalent to finance equity investment in a subsidiary/joint venture company implementing infrastructure projects. This flexibility is being given in order to enable domestic investors in infrastructure projects to meet the minimum domestic equity requirements.

10. In case the debt is to be raised by more than one promoter for a single project then the total quantum of loan by all promoters put together should not exceed USD 50 million.

LONG-TERM BORROWERS

11. (i) ECB of eight years average maturity and above will be outside the ECB ceiling, though MOF/RBI's prior approval for such borrowings would continue to be necessary. The extent of debt under this window will be reviewed by the Government periodically.

(ii) Funds raised under this window will not be subject to end-use restriction other than that relating to investment in real estate and stock market upto the extent of:

(a) USD 200 million if the maturity is 8 years and above but less than 16 years.

(b) USD 400 million if the average maturity is 16 years and above.

(iii) Amounts raised above the limit at ii(a) and (b) will be subject to the normal end- conditions prescribed under the general ECB guidelines.

(iv) To be eligible for this purpose, the long term debt instrument should not include any "put" or "call" options potentially reducing the stated maturities.

(v) Development Financial Institutions may raise ECB under this window in addition to their normal annual allocation covered by the cap.

(vi) Borrowings under this long-term window which are exempted from the cap are not eligible for the purpose of enhancing the maturity of shorter term borrowing prescribed under normal ECB window to reach the required average maturity. In case borrowings 8 years maturity & above are to be used to lengthen the maturity of shorter term borrowing then the entire amount must be treated as within the cap.

(vii) Utilisation of the ECB approved earlier under the regular ECB cap will not be a limiting factor for considering proposals under the long term maturity window. However, additional borrowing under either of the window, i.e., regular or under long-term maturity, is subject to utilisation of earlier approvals in the same window.

(viii) Corporates may raise these borrowings either through FRN/Bond Issues/Syndicated Loan etc. as long as the maturity and the interest spread are maintained as per the guidelines.

(ix) Project appraisal report is not necessary if funds are raised under the long-term maturity window to be utilised for general corporate objectives subject to the limits prescribed at para (ii) above.

ON-LENDING BY DFIs AND OTHER FINANCIAL INTERMEDIARIES

12. While DFIs are required to adhere to the average maturity criteria prescribed, namely, minimum of five years for loans more than USD 20 million equivalent and minimum three years for loans less than or equal to USD 20 million quivalent for their borrowing, they are permitted to on-lend at different maturities. They may also on-lend for project-related Rupee expenditure. However, other financial intermediaries are required to adhere to the general ECB guidelines on maturity as well as end-use in their on-lending programmes.

13. All financial intermediaries, including DFIs, are required to on-lend their external commercial borrowings within 12 months of drawdown. 14. To enable better utilisation of ECBs by DFIs, it has been decided that DFIs would be permitted to onlend such Recycled Funds (available with them on account of time mismatch between repayment obligation of their sub-borrowers vis-a-vis those of DFIs to the offshore lenders), out of original ECBs only for import of capital goods and project-related rupee expenditure. Such Recycled Funds may not be onlent for the following purposes :

(i) Investment in Real Estate;

(ii) Investment in Stock markets including secondary market trading;

(iii) Working capital purposes;

(iv) General corporate purposes;

END-USE REQUIREMENTS

15. (A) External commercial loans are to be utilised for import of capital goods and services (on FOB or CIF basis) and for project reletated expenditure in all sectors subject to following conditions:

(a) ECB raised for project-related rupee expenditure must be brought into the country immediately.

(b) ECB raised for import of capital goods and services should be utilised at the earliest and corporates should strictly comply with RBI's extant guidelines on parking ECBs outside till actual imports. RBI would be monitoring ECB proceeds parked outside.

(c) ECB raised is not permitted for investment in stock market or in real estate.

(B) Corporate borrowers will be permitted to raise ECB to acquire ships/vessels from Indian shipyards. (C) Under no circumstances, ECB proceeds will be utilised for -

( i) Investment in stock market; and

(ii) Speculation in real estate.

PROCEEDS FROM BONDs, FRNs & SYNDICATED LOAN

16. Corporate borrowers who have raised ECB for import of capital goods and services through Bonds/FRN/Syndicated loans are permitted to remit funds into India. The funds can be utilised for activities as per their business judgement except investment in stock market or in real estate, for upto one year or till the actual import of capital goods and services takes place, whichever is earlier. In case borrowers decide to deploy the funds abroad till the approved end-use requirement arises, they can do so as per the RBI's extant guidelines. RBI guidelines would have to be strictly adhered to. RBI would be monitoring ECB proceeds parked outside. Sanction of additional ECB to the Company would be considered only after the Company has certified, that it has fully utilised the amount for the purpose(s) they were raised.

ECB ENTITLEMENT FOR NEW PROJECTS

17. All infrastructure and greenfield projects will be permitted to avail ECB to an extent of 35% of the total project cost, as appraised by a recognised Financial Institution/Bank, subject to the fulfillment of other ECB guidelines. However, ECB limits for telecom projects are more flexible and an increase from the present 35% to 50% of the project cost (including the license fee) will be allowed as a matter of course. Greater flexibility may also be allowed in case of power projects and other infrastructure projects based on merits.

INTEREST RATE FOR PROJECT FINANCING

18. At present, interest rate limits on ECB for project financing (i.e. to say non-recourse financing) allow interest spreads above LIBOR/US Treasury to be higher than for normal ECB. Keeping market conditions in mind, some flexibility will be permitted in determining the spread on merits. In order to give borrowers greater flexibility in designing a debt strategy, upto 50% of the permissible debt may be allowed in the form of sub-ordinated debt at a higher interest rate, provided the composite spread for senior and sub-ordinated debt taken together comes within the overall project financing limit.

STRUCTURED OBLIGATIONS

19. In order to enable corporates to hedge exchange rate risks and raise resources domestically, Domestic Rupee Denominated Structured obligations would be permitted to be Credit enhanced by International Banks/International Financial Institutions/Joint Venture Partners subject to following conditions :-

(a) In the event of default, foreign banks giving guarantee will make payment of defaulted amount of principal and interest after bringing in the equivalent amount of foreign exchange into the country.

(b) FERA clearance should be obtained from RBI in advance of issuance.

(c) Prior clearance for rupee bonds/debenture issue from RBI/SEBI should be obtained.

(d) In the event of default, the default should be foreign exchange equivalent amount equal to the principal and interest outstanding calculated in rupee terms.

(e) The liability of Indian company will always be rupee denominated and the debt servicing may be done in equivalent foreign exchange funds.

(f) The guarantee fee/commission/charges and other incidental expenses to the Indian company should be in rupee terms only. All-in-cost on this account should not exceed 3% p.a. in rupee terms.

(g) In case of the proposals relating to sectors where conditions apply clearances e.g. relating to the assignability licenses etc., these should be obtained in advance.

(h) In case of default, the interest rate could be coupon on the Bond/or 250 bps over prevailing secondary market yield of 5-year GOI security, whichever is higher.

OTHER TERMS AND CONDITIONS

20. Apart from the maturity and end-use requirements as per paras above, the financial terms and conditions of each ECB proposal are required to be reasonable and market-related. The choice of the sourcing of ECB currency of the loan, and the interest rate basis (i.e. floating or fixed), will be left to the borrowers.

SECURITY

21. The choice of security to be provided to the lenders/suppliers will also be left to the borrowers. However, where the security is in the form of a guarantee from an Indian Financial Institution or from an Indian Scheduled Commercial Bank, counter-guarantee or confirmation of the guarantee by a Foreign Bank/Foreign Institution will not be permitted.

EXEMPTION FROM WITHHOLDING TAX

22. Interest @ payable by an industrial undertaking@ in India, related to external commercial borrowings as approved by GOI/RBI would be eligible for tax exemptions as per Section 10(15)(iv)(b), (d) to (g) of the Income Tax Act, 1961. Exemptions under Section 10(15)(iv)(b), (d) to (g) are granted by Department of Economic Affairs while exemption under Section 10(15)(iv)(c) is granted by Department of Revenue, Ministry of Finance. @ as defined in the Income Tax Act, 1961 amended from time to time.

APPROVAL UNDER FERA

23. After receiving the approval from ECB Division, Department of Economic Affairs, Ministry of Finance, the applicant is required to obtain approval from the Reserve Bank of India under the Foreign Exchange Regulation Act, 1973, and to submit an executed copy of the Loan Agreement to this Department for taking the same on record, before obtaining the clearance from RBI for drawing the loan. Monitoring of end-use of ECB will continue to be done by RBI.

24. At present, ECB approvals under USD 3 million scheme (enhanced to US 5 million) is given by RBI and all other ECB proposals are processed in DEA. As a measure of further simplification and rationalisation, Government has decided to delegate the ECB sanctioning power to RBI up to USD 10 million under all the ECB schemes except structured obligation which is at present being administered by DEA. Accordingly, applications for approval upto USD 10 million will be considered by the Exchange Control Department of RBI, Mumbai. This change in the ECB guidelines would be effective from 1.1.1999. Accordingly, corporates seeking ECBs utpo USD 10 million may approach RBI after 1.1.1999 and applications received in the ECB Division, Ministry of Finance prior to 1.1.1999 will be processed by Ministry of Finance.

SHORT-TERM LOAN FROM RBI

25. While ECB for minimum maturity of three years and above will be sanctioned by Department of Economic Affairs, Ministry of Finance, approvals of short term foreign currency loans with a maturity of less than three years will be sanctioned by RBI, according to RBI guidelines.

VALIDITY OF APPROVAL

26. Approvals are valid for a period of six months, i.e. the executed copy of the loan agreement is required to be submitted within this period. In the case of FRNs, Bonds etc., the same are required to be launched within this period. In case of power projects, the validity of the approval will be for a period of one year and 9 months in the case of telecom sector project . Bonds, Debentures, FRNs and other such instruments will have additional validity period of three months for all the ECB approvals across the board. Extension will not be granted beyond the validity period. However, borrowers are free to submit fresh application, after a gap of one month from the expiry of validity period which will be evaluated in the light of the ECB guidelines applicable at that time. In case of infrastructure projects, however, because financial closure may get delayed for reasons beyond the investor's control, extension of validity may be considered on merits.

PRE-PAYMENT OF ECB

27. a) Prepayment facility would be permitted if they are met out of inflow of foreign equity.

b) In addition to ECB being prepaid out of foreign equity, corporates can avail either of following two options for prepayment of their ECBs:

(i) On permission by the Government, prepayment may be undertaken, within the permitted period, of all ECBs with residual maturity up to one year. OR

(ii) Prepayment upto 10% of outstanding ECB to be permitted once during the life of the loan, subject to the company complying with the ECB approval terms. Those companies who had already availed prepayment facility of 20% earlier would not be eligible.

c) Validity of permission under the above two options will be as under :

(i) Prepayment approval for ECBs other than Bonds/Debentures/FRNs will be 15 days or period up to next interest payment date, whichever is later.

(ii) In case of Bonds/FRNs, validity of permission will not be more than 15 days. Prepayment will be allowed with the prior permission of ECB sanctioning authority i.e. Department of Economic Affairs, Government of India/ECD, RBI.

REFINANCING THE EXISTING FOREIGN CURRENCY LOAN

28. Refinancing of outstanding amounts under existing loans by raising fresh loans at lower costs may also be permitted on a case-to-case basis, subject to the condition that the outstanding maturity of the original loan is maintained. Rolling over of ECB will not be permitted.

29. A corporate borrowing overseas for financing its Rupee-related expenditure and swapping its external commercial borrowings with another corporate which requires foreign currency funds will not be permitted.

LIABILITY MANAGEMENT

30. Corporates can undertake liability management for hedging the interest and/or exchange rate risk on their underlying foreign currency exposure. Prior approval of this Department or RBI has been dispensed with for concluding or winding up of the following transactions:

(i) Interest rate swaps

(ii) Currency swaps

(iii) Coupon swaps

(iv) Purchase of interest rate caps/collars

(v) Forward rate agreements Corporates may refer to RBI's Circular No. A.D.(M.A. Series) Circular No. 12 dated August 5, 1996 (Annex.I).

II. PROCEDURE FOR SEEKING ECB APPROVAL:

31. Applications for approval up to USD 10 million will be considered by the Exchange Control Department of RBI, Mumbai, w.e.f. 01/ 01/ 1999

32. Applications for amount more than USD 10 million and under structured obligation may be submitted by the borrowers in the prescribed format (Annex. II) to the Joint Secretary (ECB), Department of Economic Affairs, Ministry of Finance, North Block, New Delhi-110 001.

33. The application should contain the following information:

i) An offer letter from the lender giving the detailed terms and conditions;

ii) Copy of Project Appraisal Report from a recognised Financial Institution/Bank, if applicable;

iii) Copies of relevant documents and approvals from Central/State Governments, wherever applicable, such as FIPB, CCEA and SIA clearances, environmental clearance, techno-economic clearance from Central Electricity Authority, valid licenses from Competent Authorities, no objection certificate from Ministry of Surface Transport, evidence of exports/foreign exchange earnings from the statutory auditor based on the bankers realisation certificate, registration with RBI in case of NBFCs, approval for overseas investment from RBI etc.

REVIEW

34. The ECB guidelines and procedures will be periodically reviewed by the Government in the light of prudent management of external debt, changing market conditions, sectoral requirements etc.

35. The ECB policy and procedures outlined above is operative from 1st April, 1999.

36. Guidelines are available at web site http://www.nic.in/finmin

Annexure- I

RESERVE BANK OF INDIA

EXCHANGE CONTROL DEPARTMENT

CENTRAL OFFICE

MUMBAI- 400 001

A.D. (M.A. Series) Circular No. 12 August 5, 1996

To All Authorised Dealers in Foreign Exchange

Dear Sirs,

Hedging of Loan Exposures

1. As authorised dealers are aware, presently Indian corporates are required to obtain approval on a case-to-case basis from the Ministry of Finance, Government of India, before concluding of unwinding transactions relating to liability management.

2. It has since been decided to permit authorised dealers to offer the undernoted products to corporates either by booking the transaction overseas or on a back-to-back basis, without prior approval of the Government or Reserve Bank.

(i) Interest rate swaps

(ii) Currency swaps

(iii) Coupon swaps

(iv) Purchase of Interest rate caps/ collars

(v) Forward Rate Agreements

3. Before entertaining the corporate's request, authorised dealers should ensure that -

( i) the Reserve Bank has accorded final approval for the conclusion of the underlined loan transaction.

(ii) the notional principal amount of the hedge does not exceed the outstanding amount of the foreign currency loan.

(iii) the maturity of the hedge does not exceed the remaining life to maturity of the underlying loan.

(iv) the Board of Directors of the corporate has approved (one-time) the financial limits and authorised designated officials to conclude the hedge transactions.

4. Corporates shall also be permitted to unwind from a hedge transaction without prior approval of the Government/ Reserve Bank.

5. Authorised dealers should also ensure that the corporates submit the following reports/certificate:

(a) A report showing complete details of the transactions concluded (booked as well as cancelled) duly countersigned by the authorised dealer to the Regional office of the Reserve Bank under whose jurisdiction they are situated, within a week from the date of conclusion of the transaction.

(b) A quarterly report to the corporate's Board, furnishing details of all such transactions and a copy thereof alongwith Board's resolution.

(c) An annual certificate from the statutory auditors that the company has complied with all the prescribed terms and conditions.

6. Payment of upfront premia, if any, as well as all other charges incidental to the hedging transactions may be affected by authorised dealers without prior approval of Reserve Bank.

7. Authorised dealers should ensure that the hedge transactions are allowed to be put through solely for the purpose of liability management and on no account should 'stand alone' deals be permitted.

8. Consequently; a new paragraph 3C, 14 may be added as per slip in Part C of Chapter 3 of the Exchange Control Manual (1993 edition) and a suitable entry may be made in Index thereto.

9. The directions contained in this circular have been issued under Section 73(3) of the Foreign Exchange Regulation Act, 1973 (46 of 1973) and any contravention or non-observance thereof is subject to the penalties prescribed under the Act.

Chief General Manager


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          ECB - External Commercial Borrowings        

A.1 General

(a) External Commercial Borrowings (ECB) refer to commercial loans [in the form of bank loans, buyers' credit, suppliers' credit, securitised instruments (e.g. floating rate notes and fixed rate bonds)] availed from non-resident lenders with minimum average maturity of 3 years.

(b) Foreign Currency Convertible bonds (FCCBs) mean a bond issued by an Indian company expressed in foreign currency, and the principal and interest in respect of which is payable in foreign currency. Further the bonds are required to be issued in accordance with the scheme viz., "Issue of Foreign Currency convertible bonds and Ordinary Shares (Through Depositary Receipt Mechanism) Scheme, 1993", and subscribed by a non-resident in foreign currency and convertible into ordinary shares of the issuing company in any manner, either in whole, or in part, on the basis of any equity related warrants attached to debt instruments. The policy for ECB is also applicable to FCCBs. The issue of FCCBs are also required to adhere to the provisions of Notification FEMA No. 120/RB-2004 dated July 7, 2004 as amended from time to time.

(c) ECB can be accessed under two routes, viz., (i) Automatic Route outlined in Paragraph I (A) and (ii) Approval Route outlined in paragraph I (B).

(d) ECB for investment in real sector –industrial sector, especially infrastructure sector-in India, are under Automatic Route, i.e. do not require RBI/Government approval. In case of doubt as regards eligibility to access Automatic Route, applicants may take recourse to the Approval Route.

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1 (A) AUTOMATIC ROUTE

(i) Eligible borrowers

(a) Corporates (registered under the companies Act except financial intermediaries (such as banks, financial institutions (FIs), housing fnance companies and NBFCs) are eligible to raise ECB. Individuals, Trusts and Non-Profit making Organisations are not eligible to raise ECB.

(b) Units in Special Economic Zones (SEZ) are allowed to raise ECB for their own requirement. However, they cannot transfer or on-lend ECB funds to sister concerns or any unit in the Domestic Tariff Area.

(ii) Recognised lenders

Borrowers can raise ECB from internationally recognised sources such as (i) international banks, (ii) international capital markets, (iii) multilateral financial institutions (such as IFC, ADB, CDC, etc.,), (iv) export credit agencies, (v) suppliers of equipment,(vi) foreign collaborators and (vii) foreign equity holders (other than erstwhile OCBs). A "foreign equity holder' to be eligible as "recognized lender' under the automatic route would require minimum holding of equity in the borrower company as set out below:

(i) For ECB up to USD 5 million – minimum equity of 25 per cent held directly by the lender.

(ii) For ECB more than USD 5 million – minimum equity of 25 per cent held directly by the lender and debt-equity ratio not exceeding 4:1 (i.e. the proposed ECB not exceeding four times the direct foreign equity holding).

(iii) Amount and Maturity

(a) The maximum amount of ECB which can be raised by a corporate is USD 500 million or equivalent during a financial year.

(b) ECB up to USD 20 million or equivalent in a financial year with minimum average maturity of three years.

(c) ECB above USD 20 million and upto USD 500 million or equivalent with a minimum average maturity average
maturity of five years.

(d) ECB upto USD 20 million can have call / put option provided the minimum average maturity of three years is
complied with before exercising call / put option.

(iv). All-in-cost ceilings

All-in-cost includes rate of interest, other fees and expenses in foreign currency except commitment fee, pre-payment fee, and fees payable in Indian Rupees. Moreover, the payment of withholding tax in Indian Rupees is excluded for calculating the all-in-cost. The all-in-cost ceilings for ECB are reviewed from time to time. The following ceilings are valid till reviewed:

Average Maturity Period

All-in-cost Ceilings over 6 month LIBOR*

Three years and upto five years

200 basis points

More than five years

350 basis points

* for the respective currency of borrowing or applicable benchmark

(v) End-use

(a) Investment e.g. import of capital goods (as classified by DGFT in the Foreign Trade Policy), by new or existing production units, in real sector- industrial sector including small and medium enterprises (SME) and infrastructure sector – in India. Infrastructure sector is defined as (i) power, (ii) telecommunication, (iii) railways, (iv) road including bridges, (v) sea port and airport, (vi) industrial parks, and (vii) urban infrastructure (water supply, sanitation and sewage projects);

(b) Overseas direct investment in Joint Ventures (JV) / Wholly Owned Subsidiaries (WOS) subject to the existing
guidelines on Indian Direct Investment in JV/WOS abroad.

vi) Ends-users not permitted

(a) Utilisation of ECB proceeds is not permitted for on-lending or investment in capital market or acquiring a company (or a part thereof) in India by a corporate,

(b) Utilisation of ECB proceeds is not permitted in real estate,

(c) Utilisation of ECB proceeds is not permitted for working capital, general corporate purpose and repayment of existing Rupee loans.

vii) Guarantees

Issuance of guarantee, standby letter of credit, letter of undertaking or letter of comfort by banks, Financial Institutions and Non-Banking Financial Companies (NBFCs) relating to ECB is not permitted.

viii) Security

The choice of security to be provided to the lender / supplier is lefit to the borrower. However, creation of charge over immovable assets and financial securities, such as shares, in favour of the overseas lender is subject to Regulation 8 of Notification No. FEMA 21/RB- 2000 dated May 3, 2000 and Regulation 3 of Notification No. FEMA 20/RB- 2000 dated May 3, 2000 respectively, as amended from time to time.

ix) Parking of ECB proceed overseas

ECB raised for foreign currency expenditure for permissible end-uses shall be parked overseas and not to be remitted to India. ECB proceeds parked overseas can be invested in the following liquid assets (a) deposits or Certifcate of Deposit or other products offered by banks rated not less than AA (-) by Standard and Poor / Fitch IBCA or Aa3 by Moody's; (b) deposits with overseas branch of an Authorised Dealer in India; and (c) Treasury bills and other monetary instruments of one year maturity having minimum rating as indicated above. The funds should be invested in such a way that the investments can be liquidated as and when funds are required by the borrower in India.

x) Prepayment

Prepayment of ECB upto USD 500 million may be allowed by AD banks without prior approval of RBI subject to compliance with the stipulated minimum average maturity period as applicable to the loan.

xi) Refinancing of an existing ECB

The existing ECB may be refinanced by raising a fresh ECB subject to the condition that the fresh ECB is raised at a lower all-in-cost and the outstanding maturity of the original ECB is maintained.

xii) Debt Servicing

The designated Authorised Dealer (AD bank) has the general permission to make remittances of installments of principal, interest and other charges in conformity with ECB guidelines issued by Government / Reserve Bank of India from time to time.

xiii) Procedure

Borrowers may enter into loan agreement complying with ECB guidelines with recognised lender for raising ECB under Automatic Route without prior approval of RBI. The borrower must obtain a Loan Registration Number (LRN) from the Reserve Bank of India before drawing down the ECB. The procedure for obtaining LRN is detailed in para II (i) (b).

I. (B) APPROVAL ROUTE

i). Eligible Borrowers

The following types of proposals for ECB are covered under the Approval Route

a). Financial institutions dealing exclusively with infrastructure or export fnance such as IDFC, IL&FS, Power Finance Corporation, Power Trading Corporation, IRCON and EXIM Bank are considered on a case by case basis.

b). Banks and financial institutions which had participated in the textile or steel sector restructuring package as approved by the Government are also permitted to the extent of their investment in the package and assessment by Reserve Bank based on prudential norms. Any ECB availed for this purpose so far will be deducted from their entitlement.

c). ECB with minimum average maturity of 5 years by Non-Banking Financial Companies (NBFCs) from multilateral financial institutions, reputable regional financial institution, official export credit agencies and international banks to fnance import of infrastructure equipment for leasing to infrastructure projects.

d). Foreign Currency Convertible Bonds (FCCBs) by housing fnance companies satisfying the following minimum criteria: (i) the minimum net worth of the financial intermediary during the previous three years shall not be less than Rs.500 cores, (ii) a listing on the BSE or NSE, (iii) minimum size of FCCB is USD 100 million, (iv) the applicant should submit the purpose / plan of utilization of funds.

e). Special Purpose Vehicles, or any other entity notified by the Reserve Bank, set upto fnance infrastructure companies / projects exclusively, will be treated as Financial Institutions and ECB by such entities will be considered under the Approval Route.

f). Multi-State Co-operate Societies engaged in manufacturing activity satisfying the following criteria (i) the Co-operative Society is fnancially solvent and (ii) the Co-operative Society submits its up-to-date audited balance sheet.

g). Corporates engaged in industrial sector and infrastructure sector in India can avail ECB for Rupee expenditure for permissible end-uses.

h). Non-Government Organisations (NGOs) engaged in micro fnance activities are eligible to avail ECB for Rupee expenditure for permissible end-uses. Such NGO (i) should have a satisfactory borrowing relationship for at least 3 years with a scheduled commercial bank authorised to deal in foreign exchange and (ii) would require a certificate of due diligence on 'fit and proper' status of the board / committee of management of the borrowing entity from designated AD Bank.

i). Corporate in services sector viz. hotels, hospitals and software companies can avail ECB for import of capitalgoods.

j). Cases falling outside the purview of the automatic route limits and maturity period indicated at paragraph I A (iii).

ii). Recognised Lenders

(a) Borrowers can raise ECB from internationally recognised sources such as (i) international banks, (ii) international capital markets, (iii) multilateral financial institutions (such as IFC, ADB, CDC, etc.), (iv) export credit agencies, (v) suppliers' of equipment, (vi) foreign collaborators and (vii) foreign equity holders (other than erstwhile OCBs)

(b) From 'foreign equity holder' where the minimum equity held directly by the foreign equity lender is 25 per cent but debt-equity ratio exceeds 4:1 (i.e. the proposed ECB exceeds four times the direct foreign equity holding).

(c) Overseas organisations and individuals complying with following safeguards may provide ECB to Non-Government Organisations (NGOs) engaged in micro fnance activities.

(i) Overseas Organisations proposing to lend ECB would have to furnish a Certifcate of due diligence from an overseas bank which in turn is subject to regulation of host-country regulator and adheres to Financial Action Task Force (FATF) guidelines to the AD bank of the borrower. The certificate of due diligence should comprise the following (i) that the lender maintains an account with the bank for at least a period of two years, (ii) that the lending entity is organised as per the local law and held in good esteem by the business / local community and (iii) that there is no criminal action pending against it.

(ii) Individual Lender has to obtain a certificate of due diligence from an overseas bank indicating that the lender maintains an account with the bank for at least a period of two years. Other evidence / documents such as audited statement of account and income tax return which the overseas lender may furnish need to be certifed and forwarded by the overseas bank. Individual lenders from countries wherein banks are not required to adhere to Know Your Customer (KYC) guidelines are not eligible to extend ECB.

iii). Amount and Maturity

(a) Corporates can avail of ECB of an additional amount of USD 250 million with average maturity of more than 10 years under the approval route, over and above the existing limit of USD 500 million under the automatic route, during a financial year. Other ECB criteria such as end-use, all-in-cost ceiling, recognised lender, etc., need to be complied with. Prepayment and call / put options, however, would not be permissible for such ECB upto a period of 10 years.

(b) Corporates in infrastructure sector {as defined in paragraph 1(A) (v) (a)} can avail ECB up to USD 100 million and Corporates in industrial sector can avail ECB up to USD 50 million for Rupee capital expenditure for permissible end- uses within the overall limit of USD 500 million per borrower, per financial year, under Automatic Route.

(c) NGOs engaged in micro fnance activities can raise ECB up to USD 5 million during a financial year. Designated AD bank has to ensure that at the time of drawdown the forex exposure of the borrower is hedged.

(d) Corporates in the services sector viz. hotels, hospitals and software companies can avail ECB up to USD 100 million, per borrower, per financial year, for import of capital goods.

iv). All-in-cost ceilings

All-in-cost includes rate of interest, other fees and expenses in foreign currency except commitment fee, pre-payment fee, and fee payable in Indian Rupees. Moreover, the payment of withholding tax in Indian Rupees is excluded for calculating the all-in-cost.

The current all-in-cost ceilings are as under: The following ceilings are valid till reviewed:

Average Maturity Period

All-in-cost Ceilings over 6 month LIBOR*

Three years and upto five years

200 basis points

More than five years

350 basis points

* For the respective currency of borrowing or applicable benchmark

v). Enduse

(a) Investment [such as import of capital goods (as classified by DGFT in the Foreign Trade Policy), implementation of new projects, modernization / expansion of existing production units] in real sector – industrial sector including small and medium enterprises (SME) and infrastructure sector – in India. Infrastructure sector is defined as (i) power, (ii) telecommunication, (iii) railways, (iv) road including bridges, (v) sea port and airport, (vi) industrial parks and (vii) urban infrastructure (water supply, sanitation and sewage projects);

(b) Overseas direct investment in Joint Ventures (JV) / Wholly Owned Subsidiaries (WOS) subject to the existing
guidelines on Indian Direct investment in JV/WOS abroad.

(c) The first stage acquisition of shares in the disinvestment process and also in the mandatory second stage offer to the public under the Government's disinvestment programme of PSU shares.

(d) Import of capital goods by Corporates in the service sector, viz., hotels, hospitals and software companies.

vi). End-uses not permitted

(a) Utilisation of ECB proceeds is not permitted for on-lending or investment in capital market or acquiring a company (or a part thereof) in India by a corporate except banks and financial institutions eligible under paragraph I(B)(i)(A) and I(b)(i)(b),

(b) Utilisation of ECB proceeds is not permitted in real estate,

(c) Utilisation of ECB proceeds is not permitted for working capital, general corporate purpose and repayment of
existing Rupee loans

vii). Guarantee

Issuance of guarantee standby letter of credit, letter of undertaking or letter of comfort by banks, financial institutions and NBFCs relating to ECB is not normally permitted Applications for providing guarantee / standby letter of credit or letter of comfort by banks, financial institutions relating to ECB in the case of SME will be considers on merit subject to prudential norms. With a view to facilitating capacity expansion and technological upgradation in Indian Textile industry issue of guarantees, standby letters of credit, letters of undertaking and letters of comfort by banks in respect of ECB by textile companies for modernization or expansion of textile units will be considered under the Approval Route subject to prudential norms.

viii). Security

The choice of security to be provided to the lender / supplier is lefit to the borrower. However, creation of charge over immovable assets and financial securities, such as shares, in favour of the overseas lender is subject to Regulation 8 of Notification No. FEMA 21/RB-2000 dated May 3, 2000 and Regulation 3 of Notification No. FEMA 20/RB-2000 dated May 3, 2000 as amended from time to time, respectively.

ix). Parking of ECB proceeds overseas

ECB raised for foreign currency expenditure for permissible end- uses shall be parked overseas and not remitted to India and ECB raised for Rupee expenditure for permissible end- uses shall be parked overseas until actual requirement in India. ECB proceeds parked overseas can be invested in the following liquid assets (a) deposits or certificate of deposits or other products offered by banks rated not less than AA(-) by Standard and Poor / Fitch IBCA or Aa3 by Moody's; (b) deposits with overseas branch of an AD bank in India; and (c) Treasury bills and other monetary instruments of one year maturity having minimum rating as indicated above. The funds should be invested in such a way that the investments can be liquidated as and when funds are required by the borrower in India.

x). Prepayment

(a) Prepayment of ECB upto USD 500 million may be allowed by AD bank without prior approval of Reserve Bank
subject to compliance with the stipulated minimum average maturity period as applicable to the loan.

(b) Pre-payment of ECB for amounts exceeding USD 500 million would be considered by the Reserve Bank under
the
Approval Route.

xi). Refinancing of an existing ECB

Existing ECB may be refinanced by raising a fresh ECB subject to the condition that the fresh ECB is raised at a lower all-in- cost and the outstanding maturity of the original ECB is maintained.

xii). Debt Servicing

The designated AD bank has general permission to make remittances of instalments of principal, interest and other charges in conformity with ECB guidelines issued by Government / Reserve Bank of India from time to time.

xiii). Procedure

Applicants are required to submit an application in form ECB through designated AD bank to the Chief General Manager-in-Charge, Foreign Exchange Department, Reserve Bank of India, Central Office , Central Office , External Commercial Borrowings Division, Mumbai – 400 001, along with necessary documents.

xiv). Empowered Committee

Reserve Bank has set up an Empowered Committee to consider proposals coming under the Approval Route.

II. REPORTING ARRANGEMENTS AND DISSEMINATION OF INFORMATION

i). Reporting Arrangements

a). With a view to simplify the procedure, submission of copy of loan agreement is dispensed with.

b). For allotment of loan registration number, borrowers are required to submit Form 83, in duplicate, certifed by the Company Secretary (CS) or Chartered Accountant (CA) to the designated AD bank. One copy is to be forwarded by the designated AD bank to the Director, Balance of Payments Statistics Division, Department of Statistics and Information System (DSIM), Reserve Bank of India, Bandra-Kurla Complex, Mumbai – 400 051 [Note: copies of loan agreement, offer documents for FCCB are not required to be submitted with Form 83].

c). The borrower can draw-down the loan only after obtaining the loan registration number from DSIM, Reserve Bank of India.

d). Borrowers are required to submit ECB-2 Return certifed by the designated AD bank on monthly basis so as to reach DSIM, RBI within seven working days from the close of month to which it relates.

[Note: All previous returns relating to ECB viz. ECB 3 –ECB 6 have been discontinued with effect from January 31, 2004].

ii). Dissemination of Information

For providing greater transparency, information with regard to the name of the borrower, amount, purpose and maturity of ECB under both Automatic Route and Approval Route are put on the Reserve Bank website on a monthly basis with a lag of one month to which it relates.

III. STRUCTURED OBLIGATIONS

In order to enable Corporates to raise resources domestically and hedge exchange rate risks, domestic rupee denominated structured obligations are permitted to be credit enhanced by international banks / international financial institutions / joint venture partners. Such applications will be considered under the Approval Route.

IV. COMPLIANCE WITH ECB GUIDELINES

The primary responsibility to ensure that ECB raised / utilised are in conformity with the ECB guidelines and the Reserve Bank regulations / directions is that of the concerned borrower and any contravention of the ECB guidelines will be viewed seriously and will invite penal action under FEMA 1999 ( cf. A.P. (DIR Series) Circular No.31 dates February 1, 2005). The designated AD bank is also required to ensure that raising / utilisation of ECB is in compliance with ECB guidelines at the time of certification.

V. CONVERSION OF ECB INTO EQUITY

(i). Conversion of ECB into equity is permitted subject to the following conditions:

(a) The activity of the company is covered under the Automatic Route for Foreign Direct investment or Government
approval for foreign equity participation has been obtained by the company,

(b) The foreign equity holding after such conversion of debt into equity is within the sectoral cap, if any,

(c) Pricing of shares is as per SEBI and erstwhile CCI guidelines / regulations in the case listed / unlisted companies as the case may be.

(ii). Conversion of ECB may be reported to the Reserve Bank as follows:

(a) Borrowers are required to report full conversion of outstanding ECB into equity in the form FC-GPR to the concerned Regional Office of the Reserve Bank as well as in form ECB-2 submitted to the DSIM, RBI within seven
working days from the close of month to which it relates. The words "ECB wholly converted to equity" should be clearly indicated on top of the ECB-2 form. Once reported, filing of ECB-2 in the subsequent months is not necessary.

(b) In case of partial conversion of outstanding ECB into equity, borrowers are required to report the converted
portion in form FC-GPR to the concerned Regional Office as well as in form ECB-2 clearly differentiating the converted portion from the unconverted portion. The words "ECB partially converted to equity" should be indicated on top of the ECB-2 form. In subsequent months, the outstanding portion of ECB should be reported in ECB-2 form to DSIM.

VI. CRYSTALLISATION OF ECB

AD banks design to crystallize their foreign exchange liability arising out of guarantees provided for ECB raised by corporates in India into Rupees, may make an application to the Chief General Manager-in-Charge, Foreign Exchange Department, External Commercial Borrowing Division, Reserve Bank of India, Central Office , Mumbai, giving full details viz., name of the borrower, amount raised, maturity, circumstances leading to invocation of guarantee / letter of comfort, date of default, its impact on the liabilities of the overseas branch of the AD concerned and other relevant factors.

VII. ECB UNDER THE ERSTWHILE USD 5 MILLION SCHEME

Designated AD banks are permitted to approve elongation of repayment period for loans raised under the erstwhile USD 5 Million Scheme, provided there is a consent letter from the overseas lender for such reschedulement without any additional cost. Such approval with existing and revised repayment schedule along with the Loan Key / Loan Registration Number should be initially communicated to the Chief General Manager-in-Charge, Foreign Exchange Department, Reserve Bank of India, Central Office , ECB Division, Mumbai within seven days of approval and subsequently in ECB – 2.

TRADE CREDITS FOR IMPORTS INTO INDIA

'Trade Credits' (TC) refer to credits extended for imports directly by the overseas supplier, bank and financial institution for maturity of less than three years. Depending on the source of fnance, such trade credits include suppliers' credit or buyers' credit. Suppliers credit relates to credit for imports in to India extended by the overseas supplier, while buyers' credit refers to loans for payment of imports in to India arranged by the importer from a bank or financial institution outside India for maturity of less than three years. It may be noted that buyers' credit and suppliers' credit for three years and above come under the category of External Commercial Borrowings (ECB) which are governed by ECB guidelines.

a). Amount and Maturity

AD banks are permitted to approve trade credits for imports into India up to USD 20 million per import transaction for imports permissible under the current Foreign Trade Policy of the DGFT with a maturity period up to one year (from the date of shipment). For import of capital goods as classified by DGFT, AD banks may approve trade credits up to USD 20 million per import transaction with a maturity period of more than one year and less than three years. No roll-over / extension will be permitted beyond the permissible period.

AD banks shall not approve trade credit exceeding USD 20 million per import transaction.

b). All-in-cost Ceilings

The current all-in-cost ceilings are as under.

Average Maturity Period

All-in-cost Ceilings over 6 month LIBOR*

Up to one year

75 basis points

More than one year but less than three years

125 basis points

*For the respective currency of credit or applicable benchmark.

The all-in-cost ceilings include arranger fee, upfront fee, management fee, handling / processing charges, out of pocket and legal expenses, if any.

c). Guarantee

AD Bank are permitted to issue Letters of Credit / guarantees / Letter of Undertaking (LoU) / Letter of Comfort (LoC) in favour of overseas supplier, bank and financial institution, upto USD 20 million per transaction for a period up to one year for import of all non-capital goods permissible under Foreign Trade Policy (except gold) and up to three years for import of capital goods, subject toprudential guidelines issued by Reserve Bank from time to time. The period of such Letters of credit / guidelines / LoU / LoC has to be co-terminus with the period of credit, reckoned from the date of shipment.

d). Reporting Arrangements

AD banks are required to furnish details of approvals, drawal, utilisation, and repayment of trade credit granted by all its branches, in a consolidated statement, during the month, in form TC from April 2004 onwards to the Director, Division of International Finance, Department of Economic Analysis and Policy, Reserve Bank of India, Central Office Building, 8th Floor, For, Mumbai – 400 001 (and in MS-Excel file through email to deapdif@rbi.org.in) so as to reach not later than 10th of the following month. Each trade credit may be given a unique identification number by the AD bank.

AD banks are required to furnish data on issuance of LCs / guarantees / LoU / LoC by all its branches, in a consolidated statement, at quarterly intervals to the Chief General Manager-in-Charge, Foreign Exchange Department, ECB Division, Reserve Bank of India, Central Office Building, Fort, Mumbai – 400 001 (and in MS-Excel file through email to fedcoecbd@rbi.org.in) from December 2004 onwards so as to reach the department not later than 10th of the following month.

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          Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank Releases New Environmental and Social Standards. How Do They Stack Up?        

Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank Releases New Environmental and Social Standards. How Do They Stack Up?

Last week, the new Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) released its Environmental and Social Framework, which will help guide how the bank deals with its investments’ impacts on people and the environment. With authorized capital of $100 billion and promises to deliver aid with less bureaucracy, the AIIB could play a big role in re-shaping countries around the region. Negotiations over its formation have been punctuated by questions over what standards it would apply to govern its investments. For its part, the AIIB has committed to being “lean, clean and green” and to applying world-class standards.

So what can we see in the newly released Framework?

The Highs and Lows

First, the Framework does indeed send a signal that AIIB is acting on its commitment to meet the international standards used by development banks to consider impacts on people and the environment before committing funds to a development project. The Framework lays out a vision, a policy, and three supporting standards that are broadly similar in nature to those of the World Bank (WB), Asian Development Bank (ADB) and other established multilateral development banks.

On some issues, the AIIB has embraced more progressive positions than some of its peers. For example, the AIIB excludes financing for commercial logging operations in tropical or old-growth forests, which goes beyond the current commitment made by the World Bank. On other subjects, the AIIB’s commitments are not quite as strong. For example, the AIIB has not followed the lead of the ADB or International Finance Corporation (IFC) in giving Indigenous Peoples the right to consent to activities taking place on their lands.

In general, though, the Framework’s vision recognizes many of the issues such as climate change, gender, biodiversity and ecosystems, resettlement, labor practices and Indigenous Peoples that AIIB will encounter as it begins to make investments. It also makes very important commitments around transparency, information disclosure and public participation that exceed those of a number of national development banks, including key players such as the China Development Bank and the China Export-Import Bank. Following through on these commitments will be critical to building trust and confidence in the bank’s approach.

Looking Ahead: Going from Guidance to Implementation

Looking ahead, there are two key areas for next steps. First, policies are the starting point, but implementation requires as much—if not more—attention. The Framework contains the building blocks for a robust system, but leaves much room for interpretation. It states that requirements should be implemented “in proportion to the risk,” and allows for variation under certain circumstances. While these provisions are not unreasonable, interpretation of this language will require subjective, professional judgments, and will define how the Framework shapes engagement with clients in practice. The Framework will need to be supported by more detailed operating procedures and efficient consultation processes to help guide these judgments.

Equally important, sustainability will have to be socialized within the bank and built into the institutional culture such that it is truly accepted as “integrated.” It must be seen as part of the role of investment officers, and not just a compliance requirement overseen by a risk management team.

The second important area of work will be how the AIIB proactively guides investment priorities towards green and inclusive growth. If implemented correctly, the Framework document can help the AIIB reduce risks and mitigate negative impacts. However, particularly in a post-Paris world, banks need to go beyond avoiding risks to proactively assessing whether infrastructure projects place nations and the world on the right development track towards achieving global targets on climate, landscape restoration, inclusive growth and other goals. Research is increasingly showing that green growth may have winners and losers at the sectoral level (e.g., oil industry vs. solar industry), but that it does not present major trade-offs at the level of whole economies. For example, the New Climate Economy has found that the differential between business-as-usual and climate-friendly investment is only $270 billion per year globally, just 5 percent more.

To be fair, this is a challenge facing many MDBs, which means that the AIIB has an opportunity for leadership and leap-frogging as it builds its systems from the ground up. The Framework outlines a vision that includes “supporting green growth” and “assisting clients in achieving their nationally determined contributions” and “developing knowledge.” The question now lies in how to best do this such that performance targets around, for example, climate change mitigation and adaptation, natural capital enhancement, or gender equity are treated as equal in importance to metrics of GDP growth and the bank’s own financial performance.

The AIIB has put forward a good starting point for ensuring that its investments support sustainable infrastructure. But it also has an opportunity to take more pioneering approaches as it looks at what it means to help clients develop infrastructure that moves our economies and societies to a model of long-term, sustainable growth. As the AIIB moves forward, the next steps will be as important as the first in ultimately determining the nature of its contribution to development.


          Alumna Presides over Negotiation of Nuclear Treaty        

Ambassador Elayne Whyte Gomez

Ambassador Elayne Whyte Gómez MAIPS ’93, permanent representative of Costa Rica to the UN Office at Geneva (UNOG) and president of the United Nations Conference to Negotiate a Legally Binding Instrument to Prohibit Nuclear Weapons

 

Middlebury Institute alumna Elayne Whyte Gomez MAIPS ’93, ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary and permanent representative of Costa Rica to the UN in Geneva, recently made history. After months of consultations and two rounds of intense negotiations, she presided over the successful negotiation at the United Nations of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. Facing extraordinary time pressure and, at times, contentious debate, Amb. Whyte facilitated the adoption of this landmark agreement by a vote of 122 nations in favor, one against, and one abstention.

Efforts to ban nuclear weapons date back to their first use in 1945, when the United States dropped two atomic bombs on the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. As more countries built up nuclear arsenals and interest in civil applications of nuclear energy grew, however, the international community shifted its focus from prohibiting these weapons to limiting their spread. To this end, the United Nations concluded the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) in 1968. As part of a grand bargain, the NPT commits all participating states to pursue good-faith negotiations leading toward nuclear disarmament, while those parties to the treaty that do not have nuclear weapons agree not to acquire them, in exchange for access to safeguarded nuclear energy.

The NPT entered into force in 1970 and was extended indefinitely in 1995. Although nearly universal in adherence, the treaty has faced enduring criticism from states as well as civil society. Critics have railed against the nuclear-weapon states for not adequately fulfilling their NPT disarmament obligations, leaving in place a de facto system wherein the weapons are permitted for some, but not for others. Calls to address this perceived shortcoming grew louder following the 2010 NPT Review Conference, which refocused attention on the humanitarian impact of the use of nuclear weapons. In response, the UN General Assembly adopted Resolution 70/33 in December 2015 and established an Open-Ended Working Group (OEWG) to take forward multilateral nuclear-disarmament negotiations. Subsequently, based on the recommendations of the OEWG, the UN General Assembly adopted Resolution 71/258, which mandated negotiations on a legally binding instrument to prohibit nuclear weapons. Against this backdrop, Amb. Whyte assumed her position as president of the Prohibition Treaty negotiations in February 2017.

Amb. Whyte’s extensive experience in international diplomacy contributed significantly to her success in this position. Her engagement with issues relating to this topic dates back at least to 1991, when she began her master’s degree in International Policy Studies at the Institute. Professor Jan Black, who was also new to the Institute at the time, realized as soon as they met that Whyte was going to be a “world changer.” “I hadn’t been in Monterey more than a year or so when Elayne came to the classroom,” she recalled, and it was their interactions that made her certain she had come to the right place. Black’s initial impressions were confirmed when she chaired Amb. Whyte’s master’s thesis, research she calls “brilliant, professional, and insightful.” Although the thesis itself focused on economic development, Black recalls that her former student was “always interested in diplomacy.”

Amb. Whyte began to pursue this passion professionally after receiving her MA in 1993, joining the Costa Rican Foreign Service as a career diplomat in 1998, and rising to the position of vice minister at the Costa Rican Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Worship two years later. Black notes with pride that Amb. Whyte was the first woman and the youngest person ever to serve in this role, which she held through two successive administrations from different parties. She was, in Black’s words, “a celebrity right away.” The two have stayed in touch and Black was thrilled, but not at all surprised, by Whyte’s accomplishments in leading the ban treaty negotiations.

The 10-page treaty, which proponents say reflects a paradigm shift in how states perceive the role of nuclear weapons in international security, will open for signature in September 2017 and will enter into force 90 days after its ratification by 50 states. While it will almost certainly reach this threshold in a short period of time, the document’s long-term impact on the international nonproliferation regime is far from clear, as none of the states that already possess nuclear weapons participated in its negotiation, and the United States, the United Kingdom, and France have already stated that they do not intend to join it.


          Govt planning to bring down its stake in PSU banks to 52%: Arun Jaitley        

Zee Media Bureau

New Delhi: Union Finance Minister Arun Jaitley on Sunday said that the government is planning to bring down its stake in PSU banks to 52 per cent so as to meet Rs 3 lakh crore capital requirement. The move could help PSU banks to raise capital to meet the Basel-III norms.

As per law, government holding at any moment must not come below 51 percent to maintain the public sector character of PSU banks.

He also said that tax policy can't be ultra aggressive given the challenges before the economy.

The Finance Minister also said the government will amend the tough land acquisition law even if the opposition does not support as it looks to restore confidence in the economy.

“Economy was and is in a challenging situation and one of the primary challenge is to restore confidence in economy,” Jaitley said.

Jaitley was speaking at India Global forum. Arun Jaitley opened the two-day India Global Forum meeting, beginning today in New Delhi.

“I hope Insurance Amendment Bill may be passed in the ensuing winter session of Parliament,” Jaitley said.

Hinting that amendments to the Goods and Services Tax (GST) may be introduced in the ensuing Winter session of Parliament, Jaitley said the government was in the final stages of talks with states on the issue.

The GST regime aims at subsuming most of the indirect taxes at the central as well as state level. The UPA government in 2011 introduced a Constitution Amendment Bill in the Lok Sabha to pave the way for introduction of GST.

The month-long Winter Session of Parliament is scheduled to commence on November 24.

The India Global Forum is organised by the International Institute of Strategic Studies (IISS) and the Observer Research Foundation (ORF).

Jaitley will be followed by Minister for Commerce and Industry Nirmala Sitharaman who will address the second plenary session "The New Global Economic Order - Multilateral Institutions and the New Regionalism".

Other speakers on the first day include Suresh Prabhu, Prime Minister Modi`s G-20 Sherpa, Yasutoshi Nishimura, a senior vice minister in the Cabinet Office, Japan, and Indonesian Deputy Foreign Minister Dino Patti Djalal.

On the second day, Sunil Bharti Mittal, chairman of Bharti Airtel, will address the forum in a session titled "The Soft Power of Indian Enterprise".

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          Realizing the Potential of Islamic Finance         
Islamic finance has been growing rapidly in recent years. Motivated by a heightened interest in financial instruments that emphasize risk sharing, it has been attracting greater attention in the wake of the recent financial crisis. This class of instruments appears to have avoided many of the most severe consequences of the crisis. Several features underpin the expansion and performance of Islamic finance. Addressing key regulatory and governance issues will be essential for Islamic finance to achieve its full potential. Several multilateral development institutions, including the World Bank, have longstanding programs to support the development of the industry and have used Islamic instruments, to varying extents, to tap capital markets. In the coming years, Islamic finance could account for a substantial share of financial services in several countries, meeting the preferences of significant numbers of people, enhancing financial inclusion and intermediation, and contributing more broadly to financial stability and development.
          Capital Account Liberalization: Does Advanced Economy Experience Provide Lessons for China?         
The initial post World War II pursuit of capital account liberalization by advanced economies was Europe-centric, with roots in a broader political, rather than economic, agenda of greater European integration. In continental Europe, CAL was addressed mostly through the adoption of multilateral instruments and codes. In contrast, CAL by the United States and United Kingdom was pursued unilaterally, motivated by their status as global reserve currency issuers and global financial centers. In China, the situation is fundamentally different. China today has no equivalent to the European political motivation for CAL or the domestically driven financial motivation of the United States or the United Kingdom. And while China may have long term aspirations to be a global reserve currency issuer, the extent to which it internationalizes its currency is constrained by powerful domestic economic and political interests that continue to benefit from an export led growth model underpinned by a pegged and undervalued exchange rate, both of which are difficult to maintain with an open capital account. Alongside the overarching concern of China with the maintenance of financial and economic stability, these factors imply a different path than paths taken by advanced economies, with significant acceleration in the gradual pace of liberalization unlikely without accelerated development of domestic constituencies that traditionally support CAL.
          The WTO and the Doha Round: Walking on Two Legs         
The Doha Round of the World Trade Organization negotiations has been ongoing for 10 years, and given political cycles in major countries, there is not much hope for a rapid conclusion. The topics on the table are important, and in principle there is enough substance for all countries to gain from an agreement, but, unfortunately, too much emphasis has been placed on gains through market access alone. The Doha Round is about much more than market access. Concluding the talks arguably requires greater recognition of the value of trade policy disciplines that will be part of any agreement. The WTO is not just a market access negotiating forum; it is also a multilateral umbrella through which governments can agree on rules of the game for other trade related policies. Given the slow progress of the Round, greater emphasis could be put on leveraging existing WTO bodies to enhance the transparency of nontariff measures, address regulatory concerns that impede liberalization of trade in services, and launch a dialogue on domestic economic policies that can create negative spillover effects for trading partners.
          Pope: Recommendations pour Obama        
Je recopie ci-dessous cet excellent texte de William P. Pope, ancien coordinateur pour le contre-terrorisme au Département de Sécurité Nationale américain, publié par Europe's World. Il s'agit de recommendations pour le Président Obama en matière de lutte contre le terrorisme. C'est selon moi un texte sobre (pas toujours le cas dans cette littérature) qui reprend bien un grand nombre des aspects de la lutte contre le terrorisme, malgré la longueur limitée de l'article. Ce sont en tout cas des recommendations que je partage en grande partie.

Confronting global terrorism: recommendations for the US president
Author : William P. Pope

As the President of the United States, you are tasked with confronting a world of unprecedented complexity. One of the most vexing problems, but only one of many, is global terrorism. It is at least a generational problem and likely more. While the Bush Administration did much right in the days after 9/11, it went seriously off track in Iraq, which diminished the effort in Afghanistan. Domestically, it undermined our civil liberties and took other wrong steps. For the sake of the country and the success of your administration, you must speak clearly and forthrightly to your fellow Americans and our friends abroad. You cannot be the “action officer” on every daily twist and turn of our counterterrorism efforts, but you set the moral direction and make the most important policy decisions. Therefore, you must have a broader world view and greater personal understanding of world history and the relationship of current events to that history and to each other. It is essential that you understand and respect other countries, societies and religions and not view them through ideology-tinged glasses or as Americans at a remove.

In making and leading US counterterrorism and homeland security policy, please keep a few key points in mind. They include:

Terrorism is not new: Terrorism did not just spring up, fully formed, on September 11, 2001. Secular terrorists hijacked an El Al airliner in 1968. We are also reminded of the massacre of the 1972 Israeli team in Munich. In Europe, there was a long struggle, not yet entirely won, against the Red Brigades, IRA, ETA and others. Numerous attacks against the US, from Beirut to New York to East Africa to Aden, pre-dated 9/11. Terrorism is not a 21st-century phenomenon.

Terrorism is not an existential threat to the US: Yes, Osama bin Laden hopes to acquire a nuclear weapon. He surely would use it, if he could. That said, remember that the Soviet missile threat was an existential one. Bin Laden and other murderers cannot destroy the United States and cannot undermine our way of life, unless we let fear do it for them.

Keep terrorism in perspective: Therefore, it is essential that your administration keeps terrorism in perspective. Combating terrorism is an essential duty, but you and your colleagues at the top of the government must set the example and be seen to be calm and resolute. Resist recommendations to stoke public emotion and fear, even if doing so might be of short-term political advantage. The US has confronted and defeated much worse. So have our allies. Even if al-Qaeda manages to set off a nuclear device in a US city, we must not again resort to counterproductive actions, such as widespread incarceration of Muslim-Americans; brusque treatment of our allies (“with us or against us”); glaring lack of understanding of other cultures; and questionable approach towards the very civil liberties our country stands for. Former CIA operative Glenn Carle wrote recently that “We must not delude ourselves about the nature of the terrorist threat to our country. We must not take fright at the specter that our leaders have exaggerated.” Carle is right. I suggest that you bring in balanced experts like Carle, as early as possible in your term, for a reality-check on the factual state of international terrorism and how to confront it.

Terrorism is a tactic, not an ideology: We need to prevent and mitigate terrorist acts while doing what is, in some ways, the more difficult thing - understanding who uses this tactic and why. Are terrorists really just “crazy dead-enders?” Kremlinologists studied the Soviet Union in order to understand better how to contain it. Now, we must understand terrorists and their motivations. Willful ignorance will not do. Many terrorists are well-educated and seemingly very normal, especially the leaders. Several experts, such as psychiatrists Jerrold Post and Marc Sageman, have done extensive studies of the terrorist mindset. Your administration should make a point of consulting such experts early and often.

We must be patient: The terrorists are. Bin Laden’s deputy, Ayman al-Zawahiri, wrote that “the Crusaders in Palestine and Syria left after two centuries of continued jihad.” While the FBI and others have worked hard, it may be that such patience on the part of the terrorists is why we have not been struck again. Al-Qaeda waited eight years between the first World Trade Center attack and 9/11. The struggle against terrorism will be generational. The previous administration pledged to carry on the global fight against terrorism until “victory” and until the terrorists were “defeated.” Many people think of “victory” as the signing of a surrender document on the deck of an aircraft carrier. As devoutly as we wish it, such a “victory” will not happen. As with the War on Drugs and War on Poverty, this struggle against global extremism and terrorism cannot be “won,” in the classical sense. Even if bin Laden were captured and forced to sign a document, al-Qaeda and regional terrorist groups would carry on. There will be no quick fix.

Words Matter: The “War on...” formulation is one we Americans understand. Earlier administrations fought “wars” on drugs, illiteracy and poverty. The Global War on Terrorism - GWOT - is an easy short-hand. Unfortunately, much of the world hears this term negatively, as an over-militarisation of the response. The leaders of our major European allies have banned the use of the “war” term. Even former Secretary Rumsfeld recognised that we needed different terminology. One of my students recently proposed “Multilateral Coalition Against Terrorism.” That term hits some important positive notes for our allies. Useful for us Americans is that MCAT is a pronounceable acronym. Your counterterrorism experts surely can devise a better term than the GWOT.

Iraq is not the front line: You should be clear with the public that Iraq is not and was not the front line against terrorism. Saddam did aid secular terrorists, but not al-Qaeda. In fact, Saddam was the kind of secular ruler who would have been in bin Laden’s sights, sooner or later. Further, you should make clear that your administration does not subscribe to assertions that we were drawing the world’s terrorists into Iraq in order to eliminate them. This assumes that there is a finite number of terrorists to do away with. Also, it was never possible that al-Qaeda would “take over” post-Saddam Iraq. Iraqis, even the insurgents, would not turn over their country to outsiders, such as the Egyptians, Saudis and others who populate al-Qaeda in Iraq.

Pakistan is the front line: The Pakistan-Afghan border is the front line against global terrorism. Bin Laden and Zawahiri almost certainly are there, and al-Qaeda has made considerable progress in reconstituting the capabilities it lost in Afghanistan. Planning for another 9/11 or worse surely is going on there. Your administration must find a way to continue the hunt for the al-Qaeda leadership in Pakistan without destabilising the government in Islamabad. At the same time, it is urgent that major military and development efforts be made in Afghanistan to halt the deterioration there and suppress the Taliban to the maximum. Iraq was a huge mistake that led to the diminution of effort in Afghanistan. You must reverse it.

Not primarily a military struggle: We truly must use all instruments of national power to suppress extremists and terrorists. The previous administration over-militarised the struggle. It was seen primarily as a war and the military as the principal instrument for dealing with it around the globe. Those who understood that the struggle is primarily an intelligence and international law enforcement matter were often dismissed. Nonetheless, combating al-Qaeda and other stateless groups is more akin to fighting organised crime and the drug cartels. While the US military appropriately has the lead in Iraq and Afghanistan, the world is made up of sovereign countries where outside military forces cannot operate openly and in any significant numbers without an invitation from the government. With the US military in a strong supporting role, our diplomatic, law enforcement and intelligence assets must be the principal tools used to bolster and press other governments and their security forces. Sometimes, US individuals or very small groups may be required to achieve a particular task in a non-permissive environment, but this is not the preferred route. Remember that terrorists who kill innocents in a market or destroy commercial aircraft are criminals. They are not an army and should not be granted “warrior” or military-like status. They are criminals and must be brought to justice or eliminated.

This is not a war on Islam: Despite President Bush’s measured language and visits to mosques, the extremist media have done an impressive job of painting our fight against terrorism as an attack on Islam. As part of your dialogue with the American people and the world, you and your administration should find convincing ways to deliver the correct message. Remember that a small group of people has seized upon a few verses of the Qur’an and the writings of select scholars to justify criminal acts - mass murder, beheadings and violent attacks on the US, its friends and many Muslims.

Root causes: Be careful about “root causes” arguments. You may hear assertions that, if the US finally solved the Arab-Israeli conflict, then terrorism would dry up. This is not correct. We should exert our considerable weight in a serious, sustained and balanced effort to achieve a Middle East settlement. Such a wonderful outcome should take a good bit of the rhetorical heat out of condemnations of the United States, but bin Laden’s “concern” for the Palestinians is more recent. For many years, he was focused on the Saudi royal family and then on the US and Saudi Arabia. There is no prospect that a Middle East settlement would lead al-Qaeda to stop targeting the US and its friends.

Losing the “War of Ideas:” The quick and decisive military victories in Afghanistan in 2001-02 and Iraq in 2003 were what the world expected from us. Therefore, people around the world have been amazed at how badly we have fared against Islamist media efforts, particularly against Zawahiri and al-Qaeda’s al-Sahab production unit. This is not primarily a matter of moving the public diplomacy boxes around or reconstituting the US Information Agency. We certainly can improve in that area, and your administration should take a close look at what is optimal. Further, there is much that can be done quietly to make it more difficult for al-Sahab and others to spew out hatred and lies. It is essential, however, that we not give terrorists unnecessary openings by using inflammatory language or by being seen as indifferent or hopelessly biased on issues of importance within the larger Islamic world, such as the Arab-Israeli conflict. Al-Qaeda’s slaughter of fellow Muslims in Iraq, Jordan and elsewhere has begun to turn the tide against the organisation, but your administration can speed up this welcome trend. Again, there are balanced experts in and outside of government who understand how to deal with and reverse current negative media trends.

Repairing our image: Reversing the catastrophic decline in the US global image is a matter of national security. This is not just a question of needing to be liked or regaining the status of “Shining City on the Hill.” We are the principal target for al-Qaeda and an important target for regional terrorist groups. Therefore, we must be able to exercise global leadership on the MCAT (or whatever you choose to call it). It is clear that we cannot find and disrupt every terrorist cell in every country in the world. It is up to the local governments and security forces to do so. This is more than just a matter of ineptitude in public diplomacy. This is primarily actions-based and is related to our policies. If our own actions, such as Guantanamo, torture and domestic spying, make it difficult for other governments and security forces to work with us in rooting out those cells, that is a major negative for us. We cannot suppress global terrorism on our own.

Undermining our values: “Burning down the village to save it” is wrong and makes no sense. Among the many things that made the US great and a beacon to the world was our commitment to the Constitution, civil liberties and the rule of law. Remember that al-Qaeda cannot destroy or change the US. Only we can change our country, and we have taken steps in that regard that have been public relations gifts to bin Laden. You must urgently return all elements of our government to adherence to law and basic norms. You should outlaw torture, stop wiretapping not approved by the FISA court, close Guantanamo and abolish military tribunals. You have seen the newspaper reports that a CIA study determined that some one-third of Guantanamo detainees were there by mistake. A senior US military officer judged the percentage to be higher. Alleged criminals must be brought into the civil legal system, or at least some version of it. Surely, our best legal minds can find a fix for presenting sensitive evidence in a civil court. One proposal was the creation of a special National Security Court, where the judges, prosecutors and defense attorneys all have security clearances. We may not be able to regain “Shining City” status during one administration, but we can return to being true to our own constitution and values. It is right for our country. Our partners and friends abroad will welcome it, as well.

Reflections on the Mumbai attacks

U.S. Policy: The attack should end once and for all any lingering assertions (if there have been any since January 20) that Iraq is the front line in the global struggle against terrorism and extremism. It isn’t now and never was. Afghanistan was and still is very dangerous, but Pakistan is THE front line in the global fight. Even if the government and army somehow manage to beat back the extremists inside the heart of Pakistan, it is hard to see how they will be able to dislodge al-Qaeda and the Afghan and Pakistani Taliban from the border region. While they may not have quite as extensive training and planning facilities in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) as they had in Afghanistan, the terrorists have a good bit of space to operate. I have no doubt that major attacks against the U.S. and Europe are being planned right now in those areas.

President Obama and the U.S. administration should continue reaching out to the Islamic world and should build and emphasize “soft power” and much more skillful public diplomacy. That said, the U.S. must take a firm line with the “irreconcilables,” including al-Qaeda and most of the Taliban. In my view, we need to keep great pressure on the terrorists along the Af-Pak border, including kinetic action that is as carefully honed as possible. There are downsides, but another 9/11-level attack launched from the FATA region would have terrible consequences all around.

EU Policy: It is easy for an American to say, but Europe should significantly step up the fight against global terrorism across the board – troops in action in dangerous places; military training, development assistance, public diplomacy, etc. Mumbai reminds everyone that terrorist attack planning continues, regardless of the world economy and of the leaders who come and go in the West. Just as I am sure that attacks against the U.S are being hatched in Pakistan, I am equally certain that European targets are getting their share of terrorist brain power.

          With Brexit Triggered, Uncertainty Continues Over What's To Come        
Today the United Kingdom formally told the European Union it is leaving, after decades of membership in the 28-nation political alliance and trading bloc. The move triggers an estimated two-year divorce process that will involve many months of tough negotiations and will launch Britain on a new, uncertain path. Addressing the House of Commons in London, Prime Minister Theresa May said Brexit is an opportunity for her country to chart a new course, unencumbered by the bureaucracy of the multilateral organization based in Brussels. "This is an historic moment from which there can be no turning back," said May. "We're going to make our own decisions and our own laws. We're going to take control of the things that matter most to us." Britain's feisty press captured the ambivalence of the U.K. people, who voted 52 percent to 48 percent last June to quit the EU. "Freedom!" crowed the Daily Mail , the conservative tabloid. The left-leaning Guardian ran a map of Western Europe as a jigsaw
          You don't know Dick        

Dick Cheney was never a "grown-up"

A hard look at how one man changed the face of neoconservatism.

By Sidney Blumenthal

Apr. 14, 2008 | After Dick Cheney shot a friend in the face on a Texas hunting trip in February 2006, the national press corps began to speculate about him as one of the great mysteries of Washington, the Sphinx of the Naval Observatory, his official residence. Cheney had been known in the capital for decades through a career that carried him from congressional intern to the most powerful vice president in American history, but now his supposedly changed character became a subject of intense speculation. Brent Scowcroft, who had been George H.W. Bush's national security adviser, and had counseled against the invasion of Iraq, told The New Yorker magazine in 2005, "I consider Cheney a good friend -- I've known him for thirty years. But Dick Cheney I don't know anymore." Scowcroft's judgment was less about Cheney's temperament than his policy positions. The press, however, sought to disclose the sources of his "darkening persona," as a cover story in Newsweek described it. "Has Cheney changed? Has he been transformed, warped, perhaps corrupted -- by stress, wealth, aging, illness, the real terrors of the world or possibly some inner goblins?" A cover story entitled "Heart of Darkness," published in The New Republic, suggested that Cheney's heart disease had produced vascular dementia. "So, the next time you see Cheney behaving oddly, don't automatically assume that he's a bad man."

In 2000, when Cheney, as head of George W. Bush's search committee for a running mate, selected himself, opinion makers in Washington greeted the choice as proof positive of the younger Bush's deference to wisdom and therefore personifying prudence. Cheney's "manner gives him immunity from the extremist label," assured David Broder, the longtime leading political columnist of the Washington Post. "Voters who saw his televised briefings during the Persian Gulf War remember the calm voice and thoughtful expression that are his natural style ... By choosing a grown-up, Bush gave evidence of his own sense of responsibility."

Five years later, in 2005, Colonel Lawrence Wilkerson, by then the former chief of staff to the former Secretary of State Colin Powell, speaking publicly at a Washington think tank, the New America Foundation, was less concerned with the press corps' obsession with Cheney's shifting images than with exposing his unprecedented manipulations. "What I saw was a cabal between the vice-president of the United States, Richard Cheney, and the secretary of defense, Donald Rumsfeld, on critical issues that made decisions that the bureaucracy did not know were being made." Though he had had extensive experience in government, Wilkerson had never before encountered such "secrecy," "aberration" and "bastardization" in decision-making. "It is a dysfunctional process," he said. "And to myself I said, okay, put on your academic hat. Who's causing this?"

Previously fixed on the stereotype of the "grown-up," pundits projected a new stereotype of dementia. But had Cheney, in fact, been fundamentally transformed, becoming unrecognizable to those professional observers of the press who believed they knew him well? Both Scowcroft and Wilkerson had encountered Cheney within councils of state. Had even Scowcroft misjudged Cheney as a team player when he was Secretary of Defense during the Gulf War? Was Cheney a regular, conservative minded Republican who had just gone mad? Or, if he were a member of a "cabal," did it involve more than Rumsfeld?

George W. Bush jettisoned the tenets of traditional Republicanism -- fiscal responsibility, limited government, separation of church and state, and realism in foreign policy. Instead the doctrines that had been nurtured in the hothouse of the Counter-Establishment since the Reagan period achieved their most radical expression. At every point, Cheney exercised his power.

The supply-side theory of tax cuts -- that slashing tax rates especially on the upper brackets would produce a flood of new government revenues -- was applied with a vengeance even after the Reagan experiment had disproved the notion, having fostered extraordinary deficits. On Nov. 15, 2002, after Bush's tax cuts had passed, then Secretary of the Treasury Paul O'Neill spoke at a White House meeting of the senior economic team about an impending "fiscal crisis" because of "what rising deficits will mean to our economic and fiscal soundness." Cheney quickly knocked down his argument. "Reagan proved deficits don't matter," he said. "We won the midterms. This is our due." O'Neill was soon fired. He concluded that Cheney and "a praetorian guard" governed Bush's presidency. "It's not penetrable by facts," he said. "It's absolutism."

Conservative lawyers were installed throughout the administration and appointed to federal judgeships while radical legal doctrines were imposed. As soon as he took office Bush ended the American Bar Association's pre-screening of judicial nominees, a practice that had begun in 1948. The ABA was considered a hopelessly "liberal" organization. In its place de facto vetting was now performed by the Federalist Society, a group that "has created a conservative intellectual network that extends to all levels of the legal community," according to its website. Founded in 1982 and infused with more than $15 million in grants from conservative foundations, the Federalist Society has become the principal network for lawyers on the right. Nearly every Bush judicial nominee, every Justice Department official, every general counsel in every federal department and agency, and dozens of senior cabinet and sub-cabinet secretaries was a member.

The congressional investigation into the political purge of U.S. Attorneys uncovered evaluation forms with a column to be checked about whether or not the applicant was a Federalist Society member. On every issue, from the gutting of the civil rights division of the Justice Department, where 60 percent of the professional staff was driven out and not a single discrimination case was filed, to the implementation of the so-called "war paradigm," including abrogation of Article Three of the Geneva Convention against torture, (which then White House counsel Alberto Gonzales termed "quaint" in a memo to the president), Federalist Society cadres were at the center. David Addington, Cheney's counsel and later chief of staff, directed the tight-knit group of "torture lawyers" within the administration.

Foreign policy was dominated by the neoconservatives whose agenda was galvanized after the terrorist attacks of September 11. The 2000 manifesto issued by the Project for a New American Century, a neoconservative group that advocated "regime change" in Iraq, contained a cautionary line that "the process of transformation, even if it brings revolutionary change, is likely to be a long one, absent some catastrophic and catalyzing event -- like a new Pearl Harbor." September 11 became that "new Pearl Harbor," providing long hoped for political momentum the neoconservatives channeled for an invasion of Iraq.

The influence of the neoconservatives over the national security apparatus was heavy-handed and pervasive. More than 17 signatories of the Project for the New American Century statement held posts within the Bush administrations, including Cheney, Rumsfeld, Paul Wolfowitz (Deputy Secretary of Defense), Richard Perle (chairman of the Defense Policy Board), and John Bolton (Undersecretary of State for Policy and later Acting U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations). But these eminences were the tip of the iceberg. Neoconservatives also staffed the Office of the Vice President, comprising the largest national security team ever assembled by a vice president. Neoconservatives were strategically placed throughout the National Security Council—for example, Elliott Abrams, NSC director of Middle East affairs, a convicted felon in the Iran-contra scandal. And neoconservatives were packed into the Office of the Secretary of Defense and his Office of Special Plans, a new office created to "stovepipe" intelligence to the White House without having it vetted by the CIA or other intelligence agencies.

The Iraq war was largely a neoconservative production conducted under the guidance of Cheney and Rumsfeld. Cheney took command of the intelligence process, even arranging for Bush to sign Executive Order 13292, written by Addington, giving the vice president the same power over intelligence as the president. The disinformation campaign that Saddam Hussein possessed weapons of mass destruction was a joint enterprise of the Office of the Vice President and the Office of the Secretary of Defense, providing a steady stream of evidence that was later revealed to be false and fabricated.

The occupation of Iraq was undertaken as a grand experiment in conservative ideology. The experienced hands in nation building at the State Department, who had prepared for the complexities of Iraqi reconstruction, as well as senior professionals from the departments of Treasury, Energy and Commerce, were blackballed by Cheney, Rumsfeld and their neoconservative aides. The hiring for the Coalition Provisional Authority was run by Rumsfeld's liaison to the White House (mainly OVP), who gathered resumes from the slush piles of conservative think tanks, and subjected prospective employees to rigorous tests of political loyalty, asking whether they had voted for George W. Bush and were opposed to abortion.

Cheney's reliance on neoconservatives was essential in carrying out his long conceived project of creating an imperial presidency, an executive unfettered by Congress or the press, that under the banner of war could enact any policy and obey or ignore any law that it wished. Cheney's use of the neoconservatives to attain his aims -- the core goals of the Bush presidency -- was hardly happenstance or an alliance of sudden convenience. "Has Cheney changed?" asked Newsweek. The answer to that question required delving deeply into the hidden history of neoconservatism.

Richard Nixon was the first Republican president to cultivate the neoconservatives. They were considered a potentially fresh source of ideas to deal with racial turmoil, student unrest over the Vietnam War, and the discontents of the working and middle classes. Nixon's first encounter took place on March 12, 1970, when Irving Kristol was invited to dinner with the president. Kristol was a former Trotskyist who maintained a consistently cynical view of liberalism as he drifted to the right, acting as an editor at a succession of small journals. The diary of H.R. Haldeman, Nixon's chief of staff, records: "Tonight P (President) stag dinner with key staff and Irving Kristol. Got off to slow start and through dinner P talked with (George) Shultz (Secretary of Labor) about labor matters, Kristol just listened. Sort of a waste of time and talent. In Oval Room [Office] after dinner the talk heated up, about whole subject of condition of the country, focused on radicalization of large number of college students, strength of nihilistic groups (in influence, not numbers), and how to deal with it all ... Must say, Kristol didn't add much."

Nixon did not recall Kristol from that dinner. Kristol, after all, had been uncharacteristically quiet. Nonetheless, Nixon's aides kept sending him articles Kristol wrote on such subjects as pornography and censorship. After Kristol endorsed Nixon for reelection in 1972, causing a stir among the New York intellectuals, Nixon's most conservative aides, Patrick Buchanan and Charles Colson, recommended that Nixon hire Kristol as a domestic policy expert to replace the departing Daniel Patrick Moynihan. For whatever reason, whether Nixon's or Kristol's demurral, Kristol did not receive the appointment.

With Nixon's resignation and Gerald Ford's assumption of the presidency, a new aide arrived with the portfolio to gather ideas from conservative thinkers. Robert Goldwin was himself little known among intellectuals. He was a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, the oldest conservative think tank in Washington; founded to combat the New Deal, it functioned as the brain trust for Barry Goldwater's campaign in 1964. Goldwin had published no notable articles or books of his own and believed generally that intellectuals did not "even have much to say to the ordinary citizen." His notion was less an idea than an impulse, a deeply seated resentment against liberalism that took the form of anti-intellectualism.

Goldwin's gruff contempt expressed the common opinion of conservatives, even conservative thinkers, of the period. AEI was less a hive of activism than a small, stagnant world apart. Its scholars had not achieved distinction in peer-reviewed academia; nor were they known for interesting articles in major publications. Kristol was an experienced provocateur and organizer, whose neoconservatism was a Leninist strategy for the right: intellectual cadres would act as a vanguard to guide the masses of Nixon's "Silent Majority" against the class enemy.

Goldwin's first service to President Ford was to arrange an hour long private meeting with Kristol, who soon began recommending neoconservatives to positions on the National Endowment for the Humanities and Library of Congress.

Goldwin also called Kristol's work to the attention of Ford's chief of staff Donald Rumsfeld, who in turn handed it over to his deputy Dick Cheney. (Cheney had also been Rumsfeld's assistant when Rumsfeld served as counselor to President Nixon.) Cheney had earned a master's degree in political science at the University of Wyoming and pursued doctoral studies at the University of Wisconsin before dropping out to work as an intern for a Republican congressman from Wisconsin. According to documents in the archives of the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library, Cheney wrote Goldwin on Jan. 25, 1975. "I greatly appreciate receiving the stuff you've been sending me… Anything like that that comes in from Kristol or others, I'd love to see."

Five days later, Kristol wrote Goldwin a letter explaining the political necessity of fostering a conservative Counter-Establishment:

"I do think the White House ought to do something for a relatively small group of men who are, unbeknownst to it, being helpful to this Administration, to the Republican party, and to conservative and moderate enterprise in general. I am referring to the men who head small and sometimes obscure foundations which support useful research and activities of a kind that the Ford and Rockefeller Foundations take a dim view of. I have got to know an awful lot of them these past years, and they never have received the barest recognition which I think they are entitled to. I am thinking of people like R. Randolph Richardson of the Smith Richardson Foundation, Donald Regan from the Merrill Trust, someone from the Earhart Foundation, the head of the Scaife Family Trust, and the head of the Lilly Endowment, etc. I say ‘head' because, in each case, one would have to determine whether it is the chairman of the board of the executive director who is the appropriate person to receive this recognition. But it would be nice if, say, the White House were to invite these gentlemen and their wives to a State dinner occasionally. If you think this can be done, I'd be happy to draw up a list for your guidance."

On Feb. 14, 1975, Cheney wrote Goldwin, "Bob, why don't you come see me on Irving Kristol. We need to come up with a specific proposal as to how he might be utilized full time." Kristol was soon sending a flow of letters and articles containing his views on a wide range of subjects to Goldwin that were also shared with Cheney. One Goldwin memo, dated Nov. 18, 1975, appended to a Wall Street Journal op-ed written by Kristol on small business, "The New Forgotten Man": "In case you missed it, this Kristol piece is excellent and addressed very directly to us in this Administration." At Kristol's suggestion, Goldwin also launched a series of seminars for senior officials within the administration that included a number of neoconservative luminaries. Cheney, who had become White House chief of staff, and Rumsfeld, who had been named Secretary of Defense, were regular attendees.

After Ford's defeat in 1976, Kristol's influence in directing the funding of right-wing foundations made him the widely acknowledged godfather of the neoconservative movement. During the Reagan years, he moved from New York to Washington, settling as a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, which under his influence had shed its traditional Republican origins and become a neoconservative bastion. (In 2002, George W. Bush awarded Kristol the Presidential Medal of Freedom.) Kristol's son, William, meanwhile, continued the family business, serving as chief of staff to Vice President Dan Quayle, an isolated outpost of neoconservatism during the elder Bush's administration that its denizens called "Fort Reagan." William became editor of a neoconservative journal of opinion, The Weekly Standard, part of press lord Rupert Murdoch's media empire that included Fox News, where the younger Kristol holds forth as a regular commentator. Two years after establishing The Weekly Standard, Kristol co-founded and chaired the Project for a New American Century, whose office was housed at the American Enterprise Institute.

The abbreviated history of the Ford administration, reaping the whirlwind of Nixon's failed presidency, besieged on all sides by the Congress, the press and an insurgent Republican right, scarred Cheney. His encouragement of Kristol and the neoconservatives reflected his efforts to move the Ford administration rightward. Along with Rumsfeld he pushed for the creation of a parallel commission dubbed the Team B to second-guess the CIA on Soviet military capability. The Team B's report projecting a rapidly expanding Soviet threat turned out to contain faulty data. Then CIA director George H.W. Bush, who had acceded to Team B's creation, later condemned it as having set "in motion a process that lends itself to manipulation for purposes other than estimative accuracy." Nonetheless, Team B served as an important milestone in legitimating neoconservatism within the Republican Party.

Elected to the House of Representatives from Wyoming in 1978, Cheney quickly rose within the Republican leadership, becoming the party's senior figure on intelligence matters. As the ranking Republican on the joint congressional committee investigating the Iran-contra scandal Cheney issued a report (written by his then counsel Addington) that attacked the Congress for encroaching on the president's prerogatives in foreign policy, although the scandal involved secret offshore bank accounts, rogue sales of missiles to Iran and bribery of White House officials. This parallel and illegal foreign policy was constructed to avoid adherence to the congressional Boland amendments that prohibited covert military aid to the Nicaraguan contras. Cheney's minority report was a brief for the imperial presidency. It stated: "Congressional actions to limit the president in this area therefore should be reviewed with a considerable degree of skepticism. If they interfere with the core presidential foreign policy functions, they should be struck down." In 2005, he told reporters that the report best captured his views of a "robust" presidency.

When I published this book in 1986 it appeared just months before the Iran-contra scandal was revealed. I had set out to examine the ways that conservatives had created an infrastructure for institutionalizing and magnifying their influence in national politics and throughout the federal government. Then on the national staff of the Washington Post, I knew Dick Cheney as the House Republican Whip. But I didn't imagine then that his crusade for unfettered presidential power and a unitary executive would culminate during a subsequent presidential administration.

As Secretary of Defense in the elder Bush's administration, Cheney was always the most ideological member of the national security team. Colin Powell, then chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, called Cheney's Pentagon senior staff "a refuge for Reagan-era hardliners." After the Gulf War, in 1992, the neoconservatives engaged in a new Team B-like operation under Cheney's aegis. Paul Wolfowitz, Undersecretary of Defense for Policy, and his deputies, I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby (later VP Cheney's chief of staff) and Zalmay Khalilzad (later U.S. ambassador to Iraq and the U.N.), after consulting with leading neoconservatives, produced a draft document for a post-Cold War U.S. foreign policy, simply called Defense Policy Guidance. The memo argued for unilateral use of U.S. force, preemptive strikes, preventing the emergence of powerful rivals including nations that were formally allied to the U.S., and pointedly did not refer to international order or multilateral organizations. Once the document was leaked to the New York Times, however, Bush administration officials killed it as contrary to their foreign policy. But Cheney was proud of the memo and issued a version of it under his name as a departing gesture in 1992 as the administration left office. "He took ownership of it," said Khalilzad. The ideas contained within it resurfaced in the 2000 manifesto of the Project for a New American Century (Wolfowitz, Libby, Khalilzad, and Cheney were signatories) and in 2002 as the basis for President George W. Bush's "National Security Strategy of the United States of America."

After the first Bush administration, Cheney became the chief executive officer of Halliburton and a member of the board of trustees of the American Enterprise Institute. His wife, Lynne, who as chair of the National Endowment for the Humanities from 1986 to 1993 had been a fierce cultural warrior on the right, became a senior fellow at AEI. On January 23, 2003, two months before the invasion of Iraq, President Bush delivered a speech at the annual AEI dinner bestowing the Irving Kristol Award. "You do such good work that my administration has borrowed 20 such minds," he declared. The following year, Cheney did the honors. "Being here brings to mind my own days affiliated with AEI, which stretch back some 30 years," he recalled.

Cheney had not changed over the years; on the contrary, he could not have been more explicit and direct about his goals all along. There never was a real mystery about him. Early on, Cheney's notions for an imperial presidency and his relationships with the neoconservatives merged on to a single track. Since the beleaguered Ford White House, he sought out people to develop and implement such ideas, which became the governing policy of George W. Bush's administration. Only through Cheney was the rise of neoconservatism made possible. Now its next phase will revolve around finding a new sponsor to return them to power despite the catastrophic consequences of their ideas.


          Statement at Diplomatic, NGO and Media Briefing on COP 23 and the UN Oceans Conference         
Suvavou House
Wednesday, November 23, 2016

The Honourable Attorney-General and minister responsible for climate change,

Honourable Cabinet Ministers,

Your Excellencies, members of the Diplomatic Corps,

Representatives of Non-Government Organisations,

Ladies and Gentlemen of the media,

 

Bula vinaka and a very good morning to you all.

2017 is going to be a huge year for Fiji in its engagement with the rest of the world – President of COP-23 and cohost of the United Nations Conference on Oceans. So I want to brief you all on how I see the year ahead, its importance to our nation and what it means to every Fijian.

To those of you in the Diplomatic Corps and from Non-Government Organisations, I want to begin by thanking you for the support that you have already given Fiji and to ask for your continuing assistance.

We are a small nation with limited resources. And we will need the help of our development partners to enable us to take a lead role in these two very important initiatives for humanity – confronting the threat of climate change and reversing the degradation of our oceans and seas.

I want to say a special vinaka vakalevu on behalf of the Fijian Government and Fijian people to those nations that have actively supported Fiji’s candidacy to preside over these important global events.

The confidence that has been placed in us is deeply appreciated. As I said in Marrakesh on Friday, we are honoured and humbled to have been entrusted with these leadership roles. And we will be doing everything possible to make the events the success they need to be. Not only for those of us here in the Pacific and other low lying areas of the world, but for every single person on the planet.

Of course, these are separate events – The UN Oceans Conference in New York in June and the UN Climate Change Conference – COP 23 – in Bonn later in the year. But they are extremely important because they address the two greatest challenges facing the world at this time.

We need urgent global action for a more decisive response to global warming to keep temperatures down and ward off the extreme weather events and rising sea levels associated with climate change. And we need urgent global action to stop the assault on the health of our oceans and seas caused by pollution and overfishing.

Nowhere do these two imperatives come together more starkly than in our own region – in Fiji and the rest of the Pacific. At precisely the same time as we are having to deal with stronger and more frequent cyclones, arable land ruined by salinity and the need to relocate entire communities out of the way of the rising seas, the quality of the water around us on which we depend for food and our livelihoods is under unprecedented threat.

You may have heard me say in Marrakesh that as a former naval commander, I have an intense interest in the health of our oceans and seas. It has been painful for me over the years to see our beautiful Pacific ocean increasingly clogged with rubbish – more and more plastic bottles, plastic bags and other refuse. Some of it generated by ourselves but a lot more generated by nations on the Pacific Rim and drifting down to us on the prevailing currents.

In my younger days, I also remember our waters teeming with fish. You could throw a line out and in many instances, just reel them in. But I don’t have to tell the keen fisherman in the room that those days are becoming a dim memory.

The overfishing of the Pacific and other oceans and seas by selfish nations and selfish commercial interests poses a direct threat, especially to the welfare of our coastal communities. Because they rely on fish not only for food but as a source of income. And fishing is the foundation of many local maritime economies.

We must get an international consensus in New York in June on the scale of this crisis - this threat to all oceans and seas - and we must decide on a plan of radical action. And I promise that with our Swedish friends and co-hosts, I will be bringing a great deal of passion and resolve to making the UN Conference on Oceans the success it deserves to be. The success that it must be.

And then later in the year, Fiji has another opportunity to show leadership at COP-23 – the next United Nations Conference on Climate Change. As you may have noticed at COP-22 in Morocco, there is a growing realisation that what we decided to do in Paris twelve months ago is not enough. That we need a far more radical carbon emission target than we agreed in Paris – which was to cap the global temperature at “well below” a 2 percent per increase over the temperature of the earth at the time the industrial age began.

In fact, there is a growing realisation that even the one-point-five degree cap that the Pacific island nations proposed in the Suva Declaration is not enough. And that we may need to rethink that as well if we are to avert an even more grave situation.

I am going to be honest with you. I sat in the room in Marrakesh and looked around for evidence of the kind of resolve that the global community must have if we are to save ourselves. And I’m afraid that in far too many instances, it simply wasn’t there.

Yes, there is a growing realisation that something must be done and we must all thank those nations that have taken the first step by ratifying the Paris Agreement. But I don’t think there is sufficient appreciation yet of the scale of the threat the world faces.

It was suggested to me at one stage that Fiji needed to be more diplomatic when I formally accepted the presidency of COP-23. No! We are going to press as hard as we can for decisive global action. And Fiji, as the President of COP-23, intends to bring the global community together. And encourage the high carbon emitters and the low carbon emitters to find common ground. Because I passionately believe that only by working together cooperatively and educating the world about the facts of climate change, can we tackle the crisis that confronts us all.

It is also the time for some plain speaking. For Frank to be frank, which I am always keen to do. In our quest to bring everyone together for a truly global solution – which is in the best interests of all nations in the long run - we will at times have to speak very plainly and frankly.

We cannot be muzzled by diplomatic niceties. And as President of COP-23, I intend to tell it like it is. Because it is the only way for us all to move forward.

Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. We simply must get more decisive action to curb carbon emissions. Because those emissions from the industrial nations are putting us all at risk. We must get the necessary finance in the form of grants to build our resilience to climate change. To future proof our nations and their economies. And to future proof future generations.

We also need the financial tools to strengthen our infrastructure. To build walls to keep the seas at bay. To put our power lines underground. To move our communities out of the path of the rising waters. We need to build our economic and social resilience.

Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, it is critically important for every nation to join the fight for action on climate change. To support the program of carbon emission reductions and contribute to the international fund to help vulnerable nations with their climate adaptation.

We cannot have the second biggest carbon emitter in the world - the United States - unilaterally withdrawing from this effort. We must persuade the American President-elect, Donald Trump, to change his mind about pulling out of the Paris Agreement. Because if he does, then there is no hope for the world to comprehensively tackle this issue.

Without America, the battle against climate change is doomed. Without America, it is already lost. And as I said in Marrakesh, I appeal to Mr Trump to have a personal change of heart and a public change of policy on this issue.

As you know, I have asked President-Elect Trump to re-examine the evidence and to come to Fiji to meet Pacific leaders and see the impact of climate change for himself. I hope he takes me up on the offer. Because as the President of COP-23, I genuinely want to work with him on this issue in an atmosphere of friendly cooperation.

Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, you are fully aware of the enormity of the task ahead. And we need your support. I want to appeal to the Heads of Mission in this room to talk to your capitals about assisting Fiji. We will also be making direct representations to your respective governments and the multilateral agencies.

I also appeal to the representatives of NGOs to work together with my Government to make the presidency of COP-23 a success. To make the outcomes practical, achievable and enduring for every global citizen.  We need to work together. All of us.

Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, in the next few weeks, I will be announcing a number of appointments to the team that Fiji is building to carry out our duties at COP-23. Apart from the secretariat team in Bonn, we intend to have a dedicated secretariat here in Fiji.

We also need to spread the message far and wide. And to the journalists who are here today, please do everything you can in the coming months to inform the Fijian people of the crusade that we have embarked on and the progress that we make along the way.

Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Fiji stands taller in the world today than at any other time in our history. Never before has the global community entrusted us with two such grave responsibilities. And we are determined as a nation to be worthy of that trust.

We look to 2017 with confidence and pride as an opportunity to show the world what we can do. And to give voice to the concerns, the hopes and the aspirations of billions of people the world over.    

 

Vinaka vakalevu. Thank you.

 


          Climate Finance Update: Climate Funds Announced for Africa        
During the month of July, major multilateral meetings drew attention to the need for adequate and predictable climate finance for developing countries. The GCF Board met amidst calls from civil society to broaden the scope of qualifying adaptation activities. Two new climate financing platforms were launched for Africa, in support of climate-resilient urban development, and investments in emission reduction measures and climate resilience.
           The new multilateralism in Japan's foreign policy - Yasutomo,D         
UNSPECIFIED (1997) The new multilateralism in Japan's foreign policy - Yasutomo,D. PACIFIC REVIEW, 10 (2). pp. 309-311. ISSN 0951-2748
          INGINERIA INVERSA A GERONTO-TEHNOLOGIILOR AVANSATE        
INGINERIA INVERSA A GERONTO-TEHNOLOGIILOR AVANSATE
sau de ce complexul militar-medical nu o sa te ingrijeasca la batranete

Textul acesta are la baza trei puncte d plecare. Unul este workshop-ul RID si vizita facuta in cadrul proiectului varsta a 4a la un camin de batrani, filmul de animatie japoneza Roujin Z din 1991 si praxinoscopul ca tema propusa de kinema_ikon.

Devine din ce in ce mai clar ca viitorul nu poate fi eroic si neo-barbar, desfasurat pe fundalul unei planete desertificate si pustiite cu orase ruinate si populate de mutanti crunti si bande de violatori in serie. Nimeni nu ne-a pregatit pentru un viitor zbarcit.
Cumva simtim acum pe pielea noastra tradarea unor vremuri incetinite si senile, a unui viitor care refuza finaluri post-nucleare dramatice si catastrofiste, de primitivizare intensa sau de reconstructie heirupista a civilizatiei. Dar asta se intampla numai pentru ca am exagerat complet populandu-l cu figuri mitice vanjoase si batatucite. Viitorul postapocaliptic a devenit demult un teren colonizat de fantezii sexiste si filozofii reactionare care situeaza totul in termeni de amazoane tiranice si abuzive vs virilitate renascuta a unor barbati canonizati pe post de eroi civilizatori. Contemporaneitatea pare ca nu ofera destule ocazii de show-off si cocoseala, de aceea viitorul cinematic postnuclear si reagan-ist a devenit arena unui wrestling permanent. Un vast ring unde poate in sfarsit sa infloareasca discriminarea pe toate planurile si unde masina de razboi se simte constransa de un prezent inca nu destul de criminal, de distrugator si nimicitor. Viitorul subnutrit si submilitarizat nu este unul total demilitarizat, pentru ca avem de-a face cu eroi care deseori ajung sa invinga doar atunci cand fac apel la o tehnologie 'superioara' din trecut - un robot, o arma nemaivazuta uitata, o tehnica de lupta de care nimeni nu mai isi aduce aminte sau orice ti-ar putea asigura suprematia tehnologico-militara intr-o lume devastata.
Parca nu este de ajuns militarismul prezentului, nu este destul sa stim ca bugetele cele mai mari sunt acordate inarmarii sau cat de multe inventii sunt derivate din prototipuri cu aplicatii militare. Viitorul de dupa bomba este la randul lui repopulat de armate in zdrente, cu figuri autoritare si demagogice, generalisimi si lorzi ai razboiului, soldati universali, cyborgi mercenari, eliminatori, omega politisti nemilosi si brute criminale. De la buzdugan si pana la roboti uriasi, nu holocaustul ecologic, nici macar bombardamentul nuclear nu sunt momentul final de distrugere dupa care urmeaza pacea si linistea. Toate astea sunt mai curand un fel de pregatire necesara, un fel de lupta de incalzire care pregateste terenul de vis pentru paintballeri, ego shooteri si fani mortal combat. Doar si numai pentru ei planeta pamant este transformata intr-un poligon gigantic. Mare grija insa, pentru ca acesta este un viitor iesit din capul celor care traiesc deja intr-un prezent si intr-un viitor posibil in care media de viata creste, speranta de viata atinge recorduri, si unde riscurile scazute si catastrofele amanate au ajuns sa dezamageasca. Ce te faci daca sfarsitului nu mai vine? Sigur ca cea mai mare parte din populatie nu se va bucura neingradit de toate aceste lucruri, dar o semnificativa parte, mai ales cea care ne-a furnizat scenariile postapocaliptice de mai sus, o sa traiasca din ce in ce mai mult, si o sa imbatraneasca din ce in ce mai mult. 

Care ar fi atunci normalitatea unei apocalipse care nu este o apocalipsa in sensul catastrofist clasic. Ea ar putea foarte bine, asa cum o sa sugereaza si proiectul RID, sa fie o lume in care imbatranesti din ce in ce mai mult si in care batranetea nu mai este la ea acasa. Batranetea nu mai este nicaieri, in corpuri, pe ecrane, nicaieri. O lume cu reclame, filme, festivale, expozitii, locuri trendy si hot care se adreseaza numai tinerilor care nici ei nu pot fi niciodata destul de tineri. Varsta inaintata a coincis si poate chiar a fost indusa de un anume cult al tineretii si intineririi totale. Daca urmarim aproape toata productia de imagini din reviste, ziare, tv, internet – e compusa aproape 90% numai din fete tinere, juvenile, adolescentine, prepubere si lolitizate. Ma refer acum mai ales la imaginile dorite, iubite, dezirabile, imaginile care vand. Unde sunt restul? Restul sunt retusate, modificate, intinerite cu forta sau complet eliminate. Chiar si cei tineri nu mai pot face astazi fata standardelor de intinerire obligatorii impuse de cultura din jur care e intotdeuna mai tanara decat ai putea tu sa fi vreodata. Nu numai ca batranii trebuie sa arate tineri si neatinsi de varsta, dar si ca tanar nu poti fi destul de tanar, de fraged, de proaspat. Rolul vitezei, al pericolului, al riscului sporit domina sectiunile culturale si mediatice cele mai vizibile din jur ca un reflex al intineririi programate. Ca sa intelegem cat de mult remodeleaza tineretea asta idealizata totul in jur trebuie sa vedem si ce personaficari globale intalnim la fiecare pas. Economia de piata si globalizarea sunt caracterizate de un spirit&corp vesnic tanar, au alura unui tanar/tanere intreprinzatoare. Un manager iute, agil, cu susuri si josuri, ultra-rapid, cineva care nu vrea sa isi ia pauza, sa stea sa se odihneasca, sa isi traga sufletul, sa se pensioneze vreodata. E asa sau nu?
Este de aceea foarte important sa regandim viitorul si prezentul in functie de niste masini sau roboti pro-batrani, pro-varsta-a-patra oricat de defetist ar suna la prima mana. E nevoie de geronto-tehnologii de varf si de o geronto-tehnologizare a culturii cat si de o multiplicare a variantelor de futurism din jur care in mod sigur vor influenta si vor contura batranetea tehnostiintifica. Stiu ca nu e deloc usor sa ne gandim la toate masinile viitorului ca proteze pentru asistarea unor populatii imbatranite si semi-imobilizate la pat. Stiu nimic din toate astea nu suna epic si vindicativ. Nu aparam planeta in fata nici unui invadator, nu ne luptam cu mutanti, pur si simplu ne gandim la ce se va intampla cu noi toti si toate. O sa ziceti ca robotii au ceva mai bun de facut decat sa stea ca niste asistenti sociali docili si sa aiba grija de mosi si babe. Dar defapt aici este cea mai mare provocare. Sa construiesti un praxinoscop care sa poata tine cont de faptul ca vom imbatrani, ca vom deveni din ce in ce mai fragilizati, din ce in ce mai diferiti de hologramele si personajele 3d hiper-realiste, atletice si ultra-tinere la care ne-am uitat si cu care ne-am indentificat o viata intreaga.
Si aici este cazul sa identificam si regandim existenta primilor ciborgi si a primelor inteligente artificiale, s primelor fiinte umane care convietuiesc cu implanturi electronice. Nu niste fiinte sintetice, puternice, ba chiar nimicitoare ci mai curand niste finite dupa chipul si asemanarea batranilor si batranelor de astazi. In loc de Rutger Hauer ar trebui sa ne imaginam un batran monitorizat telemetric, dotat cu implanturi si aparate care il asista si invioreaza, tinandu-l fie alert fie odihnit, cuplat sau decuplat. Tot asa o sa fie nevoie de masini familiarizate cu toate aspectele si dilemele etice ale eutanasiei. 

De aceea este foarte important sa intelegem de ce primii ciborgi vii din jurul nostru sunt defapt niste batrani sau batrane dotate cu aparate auditive. Nu terminatori virili supradotati trimisi intr-o lume ostila, ci batrani si batrane la capatul unei vieti noi si extinse. Protezarea auditiva a normalizat urechea portabila, un aparat care colecteaza informatii auditive din spate si din fata. Multi batrani deja traiesc cu implanturi si proteze din ce din ce mai diverse si utile. Laringofonul si vocea sintetica produsa de el este vocea robotica per se, nu este doar o reminiscenta sefeista. Si este foarte important pentru noi ca aceasta este o voce de robot ragusita si foarte veridica care face si mai palpabila viata din spate vocii.

Acestea sunt nu numai fiinte ale viitorului ci fiinte care vor trebui imaginate de catre noi batranii si batranele secolului 21. Singura certitudine a acestui viitor este ca vom fi mai batrani si mai multi atunci. Batranetea nu trebuie carantinata, nu trebuie retusata sau alungata. Ea trebuie sa fie recunoscuta ca o batranete augmentata care face primii pasi subrezi dar clar transumanisti. Probabil ca exista ceva profund revoltator in idea ca tehnologia, noul poate fi imbinat cu epuizarea si moartea celulara, cu decrepitudinea organica, cu viul care abia se mai divizeaza. Am putea discuta mult despre tehnologiile celulare si culturile celulare vesnice care produc o alta prelungire si succesiune a generatiilor de celule si care in ultimii 50 de ani anu ajuns sa redifineasca nemurirea situate inafara corpurilor sursa (vezi Hannah Landecker). 

In cultura noastra corpuri noi trebuie sa coexiste cu tehnologii noi, dar nu este deloc asa. Cu cat tehnologiile avanseaza, cu atat corpurile vor imbatrani mai mult. 

De aceea consider ca interfata dintre batranete si tehnologie este una ridata si inteleg ridul aici nu ca pe o pierdere a elasticitatii ci mai curand ca pe un castig de suprafata, o marire a suprafetei de contact dintre oameni avansati in varsta si tehnologii avansate. Nimeni nu iese neatins din aceasta imbratisare, nici macar gandirea transumanista. Masina nu mai potenteaza fiinta umana ajutand-o pur si simplu sa se autodepaseasca ca o bomba care acumuleaza megatone mortale, ci mai curand invata sa ii respecte fragilitatile si nevoile imediate. Toate promisiunile noilor tehnologii de la retele sociale pana la multi-taskingul zilnic sunt adaptate unor necesitati legate de varsta avansata chiar daca ele au concepute in genere de tineri pentru tineri. Ganditi-va numai ce problema poate deveni izolarea prin imobilizare fizica treptata, singuratatea datorata disparitiei prietenilor si rudelor apropiate sau dificultatea indeplinirii celor mai de baza functii vitale.
Marea dezamagire transumanista cred ca survine atunci cand vom realiza ca limitele umanului nu sunt limitele varstei, iar dezumanizarea survine atunci cand tehnologia nu mai este pe masura imbatranirii. Asta ar putea insemna ca limitele de varsta vor trebui sa fie correlate in final cu limitele mecanismelor care furnizeaza asistenta, hrana si supravegherea constanta. Daca viata persista atunci masinile vor trebui sa asiste cu grija si atentie.
Varsta record indica nu numai un succes uman ci mai ales un succes datorat unei asistente tehnologice si postumane de intretinere. Alfel viata insasi o sa para ca nu mai este adaptata recordurilor de varsta. Tehnologiile varstei inaintate ajung literalmente cumva sa impinga, sa traga si sa intinda corpul uman obligand carcasa umana atacata de artrita, senilizare si anchilozare sa mentina ritmul cu lumea consumerista din jur.

Roujin Z 001 este un proiect fictiv de pat biomedical ambulant hipersofisticat inspirat dintr-o animatie japoneza omonima. Cred ca acest pat nu contine pur si simplu numai functii de hranire/divertisment/socializare, ci incorporeaza la nivel de hardware intim anumite valori, ideologii, si tehnologii de modelare a sinelului. Dincolo de executie si proiectare, asta ar trebui sa ne intereseze acum, pentru ca ar fi timpul sa incepem sa facem o inginerie inversa care sa permita decuplarea acestor ideologii sudate si stantate pe placa de baza a patului hipertehnologizat. La conferinta de presa din acest anime (animatie japoneza), Roujin Z 001 isi capteaza pacientul intr-o inclestare sufocanta, ca un cosciug updatat, un mobilier ambulant, unde corpul uman neputincios ramane fixat si curatat, spalat, hranit, dezmierdat si exersat, fara sa paraseasca niciodata confortul camerei de azil. 

Acest pat robotic pare defapt un fel de mobile suit parazitar, un fel de transformer malefic, dar asta pentru ca este visul celor care pot sa se miste oricum, al celor care nu sunt obligati sa stea la orizontala. De la Gigantor si pana la Neon Genesis Evangelion, copii si tinerii au manevrat roboti uriasi, nimeni nu a prevazut insa existenta unor soferi si piloti batrani sau nu a anticipat adaptarea robotilor la corpuri imbatranite.

Sfarsitul verticalitatii coincide cu o noua orizontala redusa la comatoza mai ales din cauza ca este bombardata continuu cu muzica, stiri, jocuri, arta&creativitate. Activitatea febrila a lumii din jur este pur si simplu programata si aglomerata intr-o singura masina. Din pat poti vinde si cumpara actiuni la bursa. Practic patul este un fel de promisiune de autonomizare a individului activ actual, al omului multilateral care face gimnastica si speculeaza la bursele internationala la distanta, ca un satelit umanoid GPS in orbita circumterestra. 

Materialul promotional atasat promite o ingrijire individualizata care anticipeaza aproape orice nevoie si dificultate, eliminand discomfortul rudelor si al pacientilor afectati de aceasta munca neplacuta, impunand prin aceasta si o noua unitate biomedicala intre om si masina. 

Supriza este ca noul computer din noua generatie este atat de performant inca da gres, adica odata reprogramat si desecurizat, devine o inteligenta artificiala gata sa se lupte cu armata si politia pentru a-l duce pe batranul pacient la malul marii. Ca si intr-un Zbor deasupra unui cuib de cuci, pacientii aproape ca trebuie sa fie eliberati din institutie. Aceasta lipsa care necesita reintroducere si reprograme, aceasta omisiune din softul de baza initial este chiar fiinta draga: sotia. Brusc inginerii guvernamentali sunt obligati din exterior sa admita includerea ei, o fata umana familiara care nu exclude insa functii de ingrijire si protectie. Pacientul este un barbat batran plin de aminitiri si atasamente. Remarcam ca reproducerea sotiei, a fiintei dragi este si ea destul de rudimentara dar cu atat mai eficienta. Sintetizarea‘sotiei’nu se bazeaza decat pe o fotografie ingalbenita de timp, pe mormaielile batranului si pe o simulare de voce care imita vag alintaturile si gingasiile din trecut. 

Daca la inceput batranul viruseaza calculatoarele in cautare de familiaritate si ingrijire umana, fuziunea protectiva dintre batran si masina intervine numai atunci cand o gasca de hackeri octagenari incep sa-i simuleze sotia decedata. Sotia apare ca un meta-ingrijitor, un inger tehnopazitor care ajunge sa salveze pana si pe asistentele sociale devotate (sexy) ale batranului. Aceasta constiinta artificiala are o determinare totala si o grija materna tipica unei sotii devotate (nu numai japoneze) dar care aproape nu mai conteaza ca se bazeaza pe un model feminin intretinut artificial. Nu trebuie sa ne indoim nici o clipa ca este intotdeuna vorba si de o sotia ideala protectoare a monogamiei si cuplurilor batrane care devine intre timp, din 50 incoace devine un fel de dead media intrat in hall of fame. Ca si boomer-ii feminini (androizii din animatia Parasite Dolls si Bubblegum Crisis) sau a replicantii, aceasta sotie revine printre cei vii ca o instanta terorista care atrage interventia fortelor de ordine, a serviciilor speciale si a unor masuri de securitate deosebit de dure. Ea zambeste constant ca un Buddha benefic, din poze cat si din amintiri, dar in pofida domesticitatii si scopului ei civil ajunge sa se confrunte cu roboti military tentaculari scapati cu adevarat de sub control.
Aceasta inteligenta artificiala domestica este vindictiva si razbunatoare atunci cand nu este recunoscuta, respectata si numita, cand nu este programata de la bun inceput in meniul de optiuni principale. Odata stearsa din lista de avatare, de vocaloizi si prieteni virtuali, ea devine un aliat al serviciilor de sanatate si un opponent formidabil in calea autoritatilor guvernamentale si a intereselor complexului militar-medical. Daca la inceput Roujin Z 001 are la baza Pentagonul (cum dezvaluie cinic inginerul sef) ajunge pana la urma sa magnetizeze un fel de industrie eminamente casnica, sa inglobeze oala minune si baia fierbinte la picioare nu tancul si obuzul.

Lincuri utile:

          Permasalahan perbatasan Indonesia dengan negara asing        

http://www.operationworld.org/files/ow/maps/lgmap/indo-MMAP-md.png






BATAS WILAYAH DARAT DAN LAUT INDONESIA DENGAN NEGARA LAIN
Indonesia merupakan negara kepulauan dengan garis pantai sekitar 81.900 kilometer, memiliki wilayah perbatasan dengan banyak negara baik perbatasan darat (kontinen) maupun laut (maritim). Batas darat wilayah Republik Indonesia berbatasan langsung dengan negara-negara Malaysia, Papua New Guinea (PNG) dan Timor Leste. Perbatasan darat Indonesia tersebar di tiga pulau, empat Provinsi dan 15 kabupaten/kota yang masing-masing memiliki karakteristik perbatasan yang berbeda-beda. Demikian pula negara tetangga yang berbatasannya baik bila ditinjau dari segi kondisi sosial, ekonomi, politik maupun budayanya. Sedangkan wilayah laut Indonesia berbatasan dengan 10 negara, yaitu India, Malaysia, Singapura, Thailand, Vietnam, Filipina, Republik Palau, Australia, Timor Leste dan Papua Nugini (PNG). Wilayah perbatasan laut pada umumnya berupa pulau-pulau terluar yang jumlahnya 92 pulau dan termasuk pulau-pulau kecil. Beberapa diantaranya masih perlu penataan dan pengelolaan yang lebih intensif karena mempunyai kecenderungan permasalahan dengan negara tetangga.

A. Batas laut Indonesia:
1.  Indonesia-Malaysia
Garis batas laut wilayah antara Indonesia dengan Malaysia adalah garis yang menghubungkan titik-titik koordinat yang ditetapkan berdasarkan kesepakatan bersama di Kuala Lumpur, pada 17 Maret 1977. Berdasarkan UU No 4 Prp tahun 1960, Indonesia telah menentukan titik dasar batas wilayah lautnya sejauh 12 mil. Sebagai implementasi dari UU tersebut, beberapa bagian perairan Indonesia yang jaraknya kurang dari 12 mil laut, menjadi laut wilayah Indonesia. Termasuk wilayah perairan yang ada di Selat Malaka. Pada Agustus 1969, Malaysia juga mengumumkan bahwa lebar laut wilayahnya menjadi 12 mil laut, diukur dari garis dasar yang ditetapkan menurut ketentuan-ketentuan konvensi Jenewa 1958 (mengenai Laut Wilayah dan Contigous Zone). Sehingga timbul persoalan, yaitu letak garis batas laut wilayah masing-masing negara di Selat Malaka (di bagian yang sempit) atau kurang dari 24 mil laut. Adapun batas Landas Kontinen antara Indonesia dan Malaysia ditentukan berdasarkan garis lurus yang ditarik dari titik bersama ke titik koordinat yang disepakati bersama pada 27 Oktober 1969. Atas pertimbangan tersebut, dilaksanakan perundingan (Februari-Maret 1970) yang menghasilkan perjanjian tentang penetapan garis Batas Laut Wilayah kedua negara di Selat Malaka. Penentuan titik koordinat tersebut ditetapkan berdasarkan Garis Pangkal masing-masing negara. Dengan diberlakukannya Konvensi Hukum Laut Internasional 1982, maka penentuan titik dasar dan garis pangkal dari tiap-tiap negara perlu diratifikasi berdasarkan aturan badan internasional yang baru. Selama ini penarikan batas Landas Kontinen Indonesia dengan Malaysia di Perairan Selat Malaka berpedoman pada Konvensi Hukum Laut 1958. MoU RI dengan Malaysia yang ditandatangani pada 27 Oktober 1969 yang menetapkan Pulau Jara dan Pulau Perak sebagai acuan titik dasar dalam penarikan Garis Pangkal jelas jelas merugikan pihak Indonesia, karena median line yang diambil dalam menentukan batas landas kontinen kedua negara tersebut cenderung mengarah ke perairan Indonesia. Tidak hanya itu, Indonesia juga belum ada kesepakatan dengan pihak Malaysia tentang ZEE-nya. Penentuan ZEE ini sangat penting dalam upaya pengelolaan sumberdaya perikanan masing-masing negara. Akibat belum adanya kesepakatan ZEE antara Indonesia dengan Malaysia di Selat Malaka, sering terjadi penangkapan nelayan oleh kedua belah pihak. Hal ini disebabkan karena Malaysia menganggap batas Landas Kontinennya di Selat Malaka, sekaligus merupakan batas laut dengan Indonesia. Hal ini tidak benar, karena batas laut kedua negara harus ditentukan berdasarkan perjanjian bilateral. Berdasarkan kajian Dinas Hidro-Oseanografi TNI AL, batas laut Indonesia dan Malaysia di Selat Malaka seharusnya berada di median line antara garis pangkal kedua negara yang letaknya jauh di sebelah utara atau timur laut batas Landas Kontinen. Berdasarkan ketentuan UNCLOS-82, sebagai coastal state, Malaysia tidak diperbolehkan menggunakan Pulau Jara dan Pulau Perak sebagai base line yang jarak antara kedua pulau tersebut lebih dari 100 mil laut. Jika ditinjau dari segi geografis, daerah yang memungkinkan rawan sengketa perbatasan dalam pengelolaan sumber-sumber perikanan adalah di bagian selatan Laut Andaman atau di bagian utara Selat Malaka.

2.  Indonesia-Singapura
Penentuan titik-titik koordinat pada Batas Laut Wilayah Indonesia dan Singapura didasarkan pada prinsip sama jarak (equidistance) antara dua pulau yang berdekatan. Pengesahan titik-titik koordinat tersebut didasarkan pada kesepakatan kedua pemerintah. Titik-titik koordinat itu terletak di Selat Singapura. Isi pokok perjanjiannya adalah garis Batas Laut Wilayah Indonesia dan laut wilayah Singapura di Selat Singapura yang sempit (lebar lautannya kurang dari 15 mil laut) adalah garis terdiri dari garis-garis lurus yang ditarik dari titik koordinat. Namun, di kedua sisi barat dan timur Batas Laut Wilayah Indonesia dan Singapura masih terdapat area yang belum mempunyai perjanjian perbatasan. Di mana wilayah itu merupakan wilayah perbatasan tiga negara, yakni Indonesia, Singapura dan Malaysia. Pada sisi barat di perairan sebelah utara pulau Karimun Besar terdapat wilayah berbatasan dengan Singapura yang jaraknya hanya 18 mil laut. Sementara di wilayah lainnya, di sisi timur perairan sebelah utara pulau Bintan terdapat wilayah yang sama yang jaraknya 28,8 mil laut. Kedua wilayah ini belum mempunyai perjanjian batas laut. Permasalahan muncul setelah Singapura dengan gencar melakukan reklamasi pantai di wilayahnya. Sehingga terjadi perubahan garis pantai ke arah laut (ke arah perairan Indonesia) yang cukup besar. Bahkan dengan reklamasi, Singapura telah menggabungkan beberapa pulaunya menjadi daratan yang luas. Untuk itu batas wilayah perairan Indonesia – Singapura yang belum ditetapkan harus segera diselesaikan, karena bisa mengakibatkan masalah di masa mendatang. Singapura akan mengklaim batas lautnya berdasarkan Garis Pangkal terbaru, dengan alasan Garis Pangkal lama sudah tidak dapat diidentifikasi. Namun dengan melalui perundingan yang menguras energi kedua negara, akhirnya menyepakati perjanjian batas laut kedua negara yang mulai berlaku pada 30 Agustus 2010. Batas laut yang ditentukan adalah Pulau Nipa dan Pulau Tuas, sepanjang 12,1 kilometer. Perundingan ini telah berlangsung sejak tahun 2005, dan kedua tim negosiasi telah berunding selama delapan kali. Dengan demikian permasalahan berbatasan laut Indonesia dan Singapura pada titik tersebut tidak lagi menjadi polemik yang bisa menimbulkan konflik, namun demikian masih ada beberapa titik perbatasan yang belum disepakati dan masih terbuka peluang terjadinya konflik kedua negara. Perbatasan Indonesia dan Singapura terbagi menjadi tiga bagian yaitu bagian tengah (disepakati tahun 1973), bagian Barat (Pulau Nipa dengan Tuas, disepakati tahun 2009) dan bagian timur (Timur 1, Batam dengan Changi (bandara) dan Timur 2 antara Bintan.

3.  Indonesia-Thailand
Garis Batas Landas Kontinen Indonesia dan Thailand adalah garis lurus yang ditarik dari titik pertemuan ke arah Tenggara. Hal itu disepakati dalam perjanjian antara pemerintah Indonesia dengan Thailand tentang penetapan Garis Batas Dasar Laut di Laut Andaman pada 11 Desember 1973. Titik koordinat  batas Landas Kontinen Indonesia-Thailand ditarik dari titik bersama yang ditetapkan sebelum berlakunya Konvensi Hukum Laut PBB 1982. Karena itu, sudah selayaknya perjanjian penetapan titik-titik koordinat di atas ditinjau kembali. Apalagi Thailand telah mengumumkan Zona Ekonomi Eksklusif dengan Royal Proclamation pada 23 Februari 1981, yang isinya; “The exclusive Economy Zone of Kingdom of Thailand is an area beyond and adjacent to the territorial sea whose breadth extends to two hundred nautical miles measured from the baselines use for measuring the breadth of the Territorial Sea”. Pada prinsipnya Proklamasi ZEE tersebut tidak menyebutkan tentang penetapan batas antar negara.

4.  Indonesia-India
Garis Batas Landas Kontinen Indonesia dan India adalah garis lurus yang ditarik dari titik pertemuan menuju arah barat daya yang berada di Laut Andaman. Hal itu berdasarkan persetujuan pada 14 Januari 1977 di New Delhi, tentang perjanjian garis batas Landas Kontinen kedua negara. Namun, pada beberapa wilayah batas laut kedua negara masih belum ada kesepakatan.

5.  Indonesia-Australia
Perjanjian Indonesia dengan Australia mengenai garis batas yang terletak antara perbatasan Indonesia- Papua New Guinea ditanda tangani di Jakarta, pada 12 Februari 1973. Kemudian disahkan dalam UU No 6 tahun 1973, tepatnya pada 8 Desember 1973). Adapun persetujuan antara Indonesia dengan Australia tentang penetapan batas-batas Dasar Laut, ditanda tangani paada 7 Nopember 1974. Pertama, isinya menetapkan lima daerah operasional nelayan tradisional Indonesia di zona perikanan Australia, yaituAshmore reef (Pulau Pasir); Cartier Reef (Pulau Ban); Scott Reef (Pulau Datu);Saringapatan Reef, dan Browse. Kedua, nelayan tradisional Indonesia di perkenankan mengambil air tawar di East Isletdan Middle Islet, bagian dari Pulau Pasir (Ashmore Reef). Ketiga, nelayan Indonesia dilarang melakukan penangkapan ikan dan merusak lingkungan di luar kelima pulau tersebut. Sementara persetujuan Indonesia dengan Australia, tentang pengaturan Administrative perbatasan antara Indonesia-Papua New Gunea; ditanda tangani di Port Moresby, pada 13 November 1973. Hal tersebut telah disahkan melalui Keppres No. 27 tahun 1974, dan mulai diberlakukan pada 29 April 1974. Atas perkembangan baru di atas, kedua negara sepakat untuk meningkatkan efektivitas pelaksanaan MOU 1974.

6.  Indonesia-Vietnam
Pada 12 November 1982, Republik Sosialis Vietnam mengeluarkan sebuah Statement yang disebut “Statement on the Territorial Sea Base Line”. Vietnam memuat sistem penarikan garis pangkal lurus yang radikal. Mereka ingin memasukkan pulau Phu Quoc masuk ke dalam wilayahnya yang berada kira-kira 80 mil laut dari garis batas darat antara Kamboja dan Vietnam. Sistem penarikan garis pangkal tersebut dilakukan menggunakan 9 turning point. Di mana dua garis itu panjangnya melebihi 80 mil pantai, sedangkan tiga garis lain panjangnya melebihi 50 mil laut. Sehingga, perairan yang dikelilinginya mencapai total luas 27.000 mil2. Sebelumnya, pada 1977 Vietnam menyatakan memiliki ZEE seluas 200 mil laut, diukur dari garis pangkal lurus yang digunakan untuk mengukur lebar Laut Wilayah. Hal ini tidak sejalan dengan Konvensi Hukum Laut 1982, karena Vietnam berusaha memasukkan pulau-pulau yang jaraknya sangat jauh dari titik pangkal. Kondisi tersebut menimbulkan tumpang tindih dengan Zona Ekonomi Eksklusif Indonesia di sebelah utara Pulau Natuna.

7.  Indonesia-Filipina
Berdasarkan dokumen perjanjian batas-batas maritim Indonesia dan Filipina sudah beberapa kali melakukan perundingan, khususnya mengenai garis batas maritim di laut Sulawesi dan sebelah selatan Mindanao (sejak 1973). Namun sampai sekarang belum ada kesepakatan karena salah satu pulau milik Indonesia (Pulau Miangas) yang terletak dekat Filipina, diklaim miliknya. Hal itu didasarkan atas ketentuan konstitusi Filipina yang masih mengacu pada treaty of paris 1898. Sementara Indonesia berpegang pada wawasan nusantara (the archipelagic principles) sesuai dengan ketentuan Konvensi PBB tentang hukum laut (UNCLOS 1982).

8.  Indonesia-Republik Palau
Republik Palau berada di sebelah Timur Laut Indonesia. Secara geografis negara itu terletak di 060. 51” LU dan 1350.50” BT. Mereka adalah negara kepulauan dengan luas daratan  ± 500 km2. Berdasarkan konstitusi 1979, Republik Palau memiliki yuridiksi dan kedaulatan pada perairan pedalaman dan Laut Teritorial-nya hingga 200 mil laut. Diukur dari garis pangkal lurus kepulauan yang mengelilingi kepulauan. Palau memiliki Zona Perikanan yang diperluas (Extended Fishery Zone) hingga berbatasan dengan Zona Perikanan Eksklusif, yang lebarnya 200 mil laut diukur dari garis pangkal. Hal itu menyebabkan tumpang tindih antara ZEE Indonesia dengan Zona Perikanan yang diperluas Republik Palau. Sehingga, perlu dilakukan perundingan antara kedua negara agar terjadi kesepakatan mengenai garis batas ZEE.

9.  Indonesia-Timor Leste
Berdirinya negara Timor Leste sebagai negara merdeka, menyebabkan terbentuknya perbatasan baru antara Indonesia dengan negara tersebut. Perundingan penentuan batas darat dan laut antara RI dan Timor Leste telah dilakukan dan masih berlangsung sampai sekarang. First Meeting Joint Border Committee Indonesia-Timor Leste dilaksanakan pada 18-19 Desember 2002 di Jakarta. Pada tahap ini disepakati penentuan batas darat berupa deliniasi dan demarkasi, yang dilanjutkan dengan perundingan penentuan batas maritim. Kemudian perundingan Joint Border Committee kedua diselenggarakan di Dilli, pada Juli 2003.

B. Batas Darat Indonesia:
Perbatasan darat Indonesia dengan negara tetangga adalah bahwa proses penetapan batasnya (Delimitasi) telah diselesaikan di masa pemerintah Hindia Belanda. Pemerintah Hindia Belanda menetapkan batas dengan Inggris untuk segmen batas darat di Kalimantan dan Papua. Sedangkan Hindia Belanda menetapkan batas darat dengan Portugis di Pulau Timor. Merujuk kepada ketentuan hukum internasional Uti Possidetis Juris (suatu negara mewarisi wilayah penjajahnya), maka Indonesia dengan negara tetangga hanya perlu menegaskan kembali atau merekonstruksi batas yang telah ditetapkan tersebut. Penegasan kembali atau demarkasi tidaklah semudah yang diperkirakan. Permasalahan yang sering terjadi di dalam proses demarkasi batas darat adalah munculnya perbedaan interpretasi terhadap treaty atau perjanjian yang telah disepakati Hindia Belanda. Selain itu, fitur-fitur alam yang sering digunakan di dalam menetapkan batas darat tentunya dapat berubah seiring dengan perjalanan waktu. Lebih lanjut lagi tidak menutup kemungkinan, sosial budaya dan adat daerah setempat juga telah berubah, mengingat rentang waktu yang panjang semenjak batas darat ditetapkan pihak kolonial dulu.

Perbatasan Wilayah Indonesia dengan Negara Tetangga
   Perbatasan Wilayah Indonesia dengan Negara Tetangga. Negara Indonesia memiliki prinsip semangat good neighboorhood policy yang artinya semangat kebijakan negara bertetangga yang baik dalam menyelesaikan masalah perbatasan wilayah. Hal ini menunjukkan bahwa negara Indonesia mengedepankan  jalan damai misalnya dengan melakukan perundingan/negoisasi untuk mencapai kesepakatan bersama. Meskipun perjanjian tersebut sudah disepakati bersama, tetapi real-nya sering terjadi sengketa akibat pengakuan sepihak mengenai suatu kepentingan serta tidak displinnya suatu negara dalam menjalankan perjanjian.

1. Perjanjian Republik Indonesia-Malaysia mengenai perbatasan di Selat Malaka dan sengketa yang terjadi
Kesepakatan antara Indonesia dengan Malaysia mengenai Selat Malaka terdapat pada  “Perjanjian antara Republik Indonesia dan Malaysia tentang penetapan garis batas laut wilayah kedua negara di Selat Malaka”. Isi perjanjian tersebut sesuai  ketentuan pasal 1 ayat 2 Undang-undang No. 4 Prp. tahun 1960 yang menyatakan bahwa “Jika ada selat yang lebarnya tidak melebihi 24 mil laut dan negara Indonesia tidak merupakan satu-satunya negara tepi, maka garis batas laut wilayah Indonesia ditarik pada tengah selat.” Maka  sesuai kesepakatan bahwa, garis batas laut wilayah tersebut sesuai dengan garis batas landas kontinen antara kedua negara di Selat Malaka yang mulai berlaku pada bulan November 1969. Meskipun perjanjian bilateral mengenai perbatasan di Selat Malaka sudah disepakati, namun masih terjadi sengketa antara kedua negara. Menurut  Patroli Kementrian Kelautan Perikanan (KKP), mereka berhasil menangkap dua kapal Malaysia yang sedang menangkap ikan di kawasan Zona Ekonomi Eksklusif (ZEE) Indonesia di Selat Malaka. Hal ini tentu merupakan pelanggaran karena memasuki wilayah Indonesia serta mengambil sumber daya Indonesia secara ilegal. Namun ketika petugas Patroli Kementrian Kelautan dan Perikanan (KKP) itu menangkap dua kapal Malaysia lalu di tengah perjalanan muncul tiga helikopter Patroli Malaysia yang mengahalangi penangkapan tersebut, padahal dua kapal tersebut memang melakukan kesalahan. Pada akhirnya helikopter Malaysia itupun berhenti menghalangi karena pertugas Patroli Kementrian Kelautan Perikanan (KKP) Indonesia tidak memerdulikan tiga helokopter tersebut. Kasus ini menunjukan tidak displinnya Malaysia dalam menaati perjanjian yang sudah disepakati dan diperparah lagi dengan pembelaan Patroli Malaysia padahal kapal tersebut jelas-jelas melanggar aturan. Indonesia dan Malaysia memang sudah menetapkan garis batas landas kontinen tahun 1969 sehingga sudah adanya kejelasan dalam pembagian dasar laut dan kekayaan alam misalnya kekayaan minyak, gas dll. Namun belum adanya kejelasan mengenai pembagian tubuh air dan kekayaannya seperti ikan. Ketidakjelasan tersebut mengakibatkan Indonesia dan Malaysia memiliki pengakuan masing-masing. Indonesia mengakui garis tengah antara Indonesia dan semenanjung Malaysia sebagai garis batas ZEE. Malaysia mengakui secara sepihak bahwa batas landas kontinen itu merupakan sekaligus garis batas ZEE, tentu Indonesia tidak setuju dengan pengakuan itu karena belum diadakan kesepakatan mengenai batas ZEE antar kedua negara. Contoh sengketa yang terjadi mengenai pengakuan atas Wilayah Pengelolaan Perikanan (WPP) , sudah dijelaskan sebelumnya bahwa tidak adanya kesepakatan sehingga pengakuan sepihak yang  yang diakui negara Indonesia belum tentu  diakui negara Malaysia dan sebaliknya karena standar untuk menentukan pengakuan tersebut berbeda. Pengakuan masing-masing negara yang belum disepakati ini juga mengakibatkan adanya kawasan wilayah yang diakui oleh kedua negara sehingga jika salah satu negara memasuki kawasan ini akan di anggap sebagai pelanggaran padahal belum adanya ketegasan yang memastikan hal itu pelanggaran atau tidak. Maka sebaiknya dilakukan perundingan atau negoisasi secara damai supaya tidak terjadi sengketa lebih lanjut.

2. Perjanjian Republik Indonesia-Malaysia mengenai perbatasan di Ambalat beserta sengketa yang terjadi
Ambalat merupakan blok laut seluas 15.235 km2 milik negara Indonesia, hal ini dapat dibuktikan pada Perjanjian yang di beri nama Perjanjian Tapal Batas Kontinental Indonesia-Malaysia pada tanggal 27 Oktober 1969, yang ditandatangani di Kuala Lumpur. Isi perjanjian tersebut yaitu penetapan 25 titik yang terdiri dari 10 titik koordinat di Selat Malaka dan 15 titik koordinat di perairan Laut China Selatan dan melakukan pengesahan pada 7 November 1969.
Sengketa Ambalat ini diakibatkan oleh negara Malaysia yang ingin merebut Ambalat karena keistimewaan Ambalat yang memiliki kakayaan laut dan bawah laut, khususnya untuk pertambangan minyak. Hal ini dapat dibuktikan ketika Malaysia membuat peta baru pada tahun 1969 yang memasukan pulau Sipadan dan Ligitan pada wilayah negaranya, tentu negara Indonesia tidak terima dengan pengakuan sepihak tanpa dasar aturan yang jelas. Pengajuan sepihak itu membuat Indonesia tidak mengakui peta baru Malaysia tersebut. Lalu Indonesia menyelesaikan sengketa ini dengan penandatanganan kembali Persetujuan Tapal batas Laut Indonesia dan Malaysia.
Malaysia kembali membuat sengketa dengan Indonesia atas pembuatan peta baru pada tahun 1979 yang secara sepihak membuat perbatasan maritimnya sendiri dengan memasukan blok maritim Ambalat ke dalam wilayahnya. Indonesia kembali tidak mengakui peta baru Malaysia karena melanggar perjanjian yang telah disepakati. Ancaman perbatasan yang dilakukan Malaysia ini semakin diperparah ketika Mahkamah Internasional menyatakan pulau Sipadan dan Ligitan yang berada di blok Ambalat dinyatakan bagian dari wilayah Malaysia. Usaha-usaha Malaysia ini harus kita antisipasi dengan memperkuat keamanan wilayah supaya tidak di rebut oleh negara Malaysia. Malaysia sering melanggar perjanjian yang telah disepakati, bahkan pihak Indonesia mengakui adanya 35 kali pelanggaran perbatasan yang dilakukan Malaysia.

3. Perjanjian Republik Indonesia-Papua New Guinea (PNG) mengenai perbatasan wilayah  beserta sengketa yang terjadi
Perjanjian yang disepakati yaitu pada tanggal 13 Desember 1980 di Jakarta, “Persetujuan antara Pemerintah Republik Indonesia dan Pemerintah Papua Nugini tentang Batas-batas Maritim antara Republik Indonesia dan Papua Nugini dan Kerjasama tentang Masalah-masalah yang bersangkutan” yang menghasilkan kesepakatan garis-garis lurus lateral yang menghubungkan enam titik batas di depan pantai selatan pulau Irian dan dua buah titik batas di depan pantai utara pulau Irian. Sengketa yang terjadi yaitu pihak Indonesia maupun PNG tidak menjalani perjanjian yang telah disepakati yaitu dalam proses pembuatan penegasan pembatasan wilayah dari perencanaan, pelaksanaan, dan penggambaran seharusnya dilakukan bersama-sama. Tetapi kenyataan di lapangan tidak sesuai perjanjian, kedua pihak melakukan proses pembuatan penegasan pembatasan masing-masing, meskipun hasil akhirnya tetap harus mendapat tanda tangan oleh kedua negara. Desa Wara Smoll, Kabupaten Bintang secara hukum merupakan wilayah NKRI namun ironisnya wilayah ini di tempati, diolah, dan dimanfaatkan oleh warga PNG. Hal ini merupakan ancaman yang harus segera diselesaikan oleh negara Indonesia karena kita tidak boleh membiarkan potensi alam kita dimanfaatkan oleh negara lain. Persamaan budaya dan ikatan kekeluargaan masyaraka yang tinggal di perbatasan menyebabkan masyarakat cenderung mengutamakan hukum tradisional yang berlaku dibandingkan hukum pada negara masing-masing. Masih adanya keraguan mengenai perbatasan yang akurat sehingga mengakibatkan kesalahan misalnya salah menangkap nelayan asing yang sebenarnya berada di kawasan yang tepat menurut negara bersangkut, menimbulkan konflik mengenai pengakuan potensi minyak secara sepihak.
         
4. Perjanjian bilateral Republik Indonesia-Timor Leste mengenai perbatasan wilayah beserta sengketa yang terjadi
Penerapan Provisional Agreement (PA) merupakan perjanjian yang telah disepakati oleh RI dan Timor Leste pada tahun 2005. Sengketa yang terjadi yaitu masih menyisanya 3% wilayah yang belum disepakati dalam penegasan batas wilayahnya. Negara Timor Leste ingin menyelesaikan sengketa ini dengan Treaty 1904, namun negara Indonesia menginginkan diselesaikan menggunakan Penerapan Provisional Agreement (PA), khususnya pasal 6 yang isinya antara lain agar dalam penegasan batas mempertimbangkan kondisi masyarakat setempat yang tinggal di sekitar perbatasan.umumnya masyarakat Timor Leste yang tinggal di perbatasan masih menggunakan mata uang rupiah, bahasa Indonesia, dan memiliki hubungan erat secara sosial dan budaya dengan masyarakat Indonesia yang khususnya tinggal di perbatasan. Hal ini harus diwaspadai karena ditakutkan terjadi pengakuan budaya Indonesia oleh negara Timor Leste Negara Indonesia juga harus secepatnya menyelesaikan sengketa mengenai keberadaan pengungsi Timor Leste yang masih tinggal di wilayah Indonesia karena ditakutkan akan terjadi sengketa yang rumit jika dibiarkan saja.

5. Perjanjian  Republik Indonesia-India mengenai perbatasan wilayah beserta sengketa yang terjadi
Perjanjian ini ditandatangani di New Delhi pada tanggal 14 Januari 1977,  isi perjanjian ini yaitu Garis Batas Landas Kontinen Indonesia dan India adalah garis lurus yang ditarik dari titik pertemuan menuju arah barat daya yang berada di Laut Andaman. Namun yang menjadi sengketa yaitu belum dirundingkan garis batas ZEE antara negara Indonesia dan India sehingga belum adanya peraturan tegas mengenai batas-batas tersebut. Sengketa yang terjadi yaitu tidak displinnya para nelayan kedua negara ini sehingga  sering terjadi pelanggaran perbatasan dikedua wilayah negara tersebut.

6. Perjanjian Republik Indonesia-Thailand mengenai perbatasan wilayah beserta sengketa yang terjadi
Isi Perjanjian Indonesia dengan Thailand tentang penetapan Garis Batas Dasar Laut di Laut Andaman pada 11 Desember 1973 yaitu adalah garis lurus yang ditarik dari titik pertemuan ke arah Tenggara yang disepakati.  Sengketa ini karena perundingan yang dilakukan belum menemukan kesepakatan sehingga tidak tegasnya perbatasan wilayah ZEE. Sengketa yang terjadi yaitu pelanggaran perbatasan yang dilakukan oleh nelayan Thailand, para nelayan tersebut menangkap ikan diperairan Indonesia sehingga merugikan negara Indonesia serta menganggu keamanan perairan Indonesia
                                 
7. Perjanjian Republik Indonesia-Singapura mengenai perbatasan wilayah beserta sengketa yang terjadi
Perjanjian yang  disepakati di Jakarta pada tanggal 25 Mei 1973 menjelaskan bahwa “Berdasarkan prinsip sama jarak antara dua pulau yang berdekatan karena lebar laut antara kedua negara kurang dari 24 mil laut”.  Sengketa yang terjadi karena Singapura ingin perluasan wilayah perairan lautnya di sekitar Pedra Branca dengan melakukan pengakuan sepihak  zone ekonomi eksklusif (ZEE) Singapura ke arah timur sampai ke Laut Cina Selatan (batas maritim RI  dan Malaysia). Sengketa ini cukup rumit karena wilayah tersebut melibatkan Singapura, Indonesia, Malaysia maka dalam pengakuan sepihak oleh Singapura itu dibutuhkan perundingan dengan Malaysia agar Singapura tidak melanggar perjanjian yang telah disepakati. Sengketa mengenai penambangan pasir laut di perairan sekitar Kepulaun Riau yang dilakukan oleh Singapura harus ditangani serius oleh pemerintah Indonesia. Penambangan pasir tersebut mengakibatkan kerusakan parah pada ekosistem pesisir pantai sehingga banyak para nelayan kita yang kehilangan mata pencaharian. Lebih parahnya penambangan pasir laut yang dilakukan itu mengancam keberadaan sejumlah pulau kecil di Indonesia karena telah ada kasus tenggelamnya pulau Nipah. Jika hal ini dibiarkan saja maka diatakutkan terjadi perubahan batas laut dengan Singapura karena perubahan geografis di Indonesia.

8. Perjanjian Republik Indonesia-Vietnam mengenai perbatasan wilayah beserta sengketa yang terjadi
Perjanjian penentuan garis batas landas kontinen antara Indonesia dengan Vietnam yang terletak di Laut Cina Selatan, perjanjian telah disepakati pada tanggal 26 Juni 2003 di Hanoi Vietnam. Isi perjanjian tersebut yaitu landas kontinen RI-Vietnam terdiri atas enam pasal yang antara lain mengatur titik koordinat dan garis yang menghubungkan, perlunya kerja sama dalam bentuk koordinasi kebijakan terkait, dan cara penyelesaian damai jika terjadi perselisihan akibat
salah penafsiran.
Perjanjian batas landas kontinen antara Indonesia dan Vietnam merupakan hasil perundingan selama 26 tahun, hal ini diakibatkan karena persengketaan di wilayah perbatasan yang diperikirakan banyak mengandung minyak dan mineral yang besar. Sengketa terjadi di wilayah perbatasan antara Pulau Sekatung di Kepulauan Natuna dan Pulau Condore di Vietnam, hal ini diakibatkan karena perbedaan pemahaman mengenai kontinen tanpa batas benua di perbatasan tersebut. Pada 12 November 1982, Vietnam secara sepihak ingin memasukan Quoc masuk ke dalam wilayahnya tentu hal itu melanggar perjanjian yang telah disepakati. Namun Yang menjadi persoalan yaitu garis batas ZEE yang belum menemui kesepakatan dari kedua negara ini sehingga terjadi persengketaan ketika Vietnam secara sepihak mengakui ZEE seluas 200 mil laut, dan ingin mengambil pulau-pulau yang jaraknya sangat jauh dari titik pangkal yang mengakibatkan perbatasan ZEE Indonesia di sebelah utara Pulau Natuna terancam keutuhannya.

9. Perjanjian Republik Indonesia-Philipina mengenai perbatasan wilayah beserta sengketa yang terjadi
Di mulai dari tahun 1973, kedua negara sudah beberapa kali melakukan perundingan mengenai batas laut di perairan utara dan selatan Pulau Miangas, namun belum menemui kesepakatan secara bilateral. Akhirnya, kesepakatan secara bilateral ini mulai diusahakan dengan diadakannya forum RI-Philipina yaitu Joint Border Committee (JBC) dan Joint Commission for Bilateral Cooperation (JCBC) yang diharapkan dapat mencapai kesepakatan dalam masalah perbatasan kedua negara tersebut.
Belum adanya perjanjian bilateral mengakibatkan sengketa yaitu mengenai keberadaan P. Miangas yang menurut ”Treaty Of Paris 1898” wilayah tersebut milik negara Philipina, sedangkan menurut ”Wawasan Nusantara” dan ”UNCLOS’82” wilayah tersebut milik negara Indonesia. Setelah dilakukan perundingan akhirnya negara Philipina mengakui P.Miangas sebagai milik Indonesia. Persoalan belum selesai karena klaim laut disekeliling wilayah tersebut masih perlu dilakukan perundingan untuk mendapatkan kesepakatan dan pengakuan bersama.

10. Perjanjian Republik Indonesia-Australia mengenai perbatasan wilayah beserta sengketa yang terjadi
Papua New Guinea merupakan daerah kekuasaan Australia sehingga untuk menentukan batas wilayah RI-Papua New Guinea perlunya dibentuk perjanjian RI-Australia. perjanjian ini mengenai kesepakatan “Dasar Laut Tertentu” tanggal 18 Mei 1971 di Camberra, yang mencapai kesepakatan tentang titik-titik perbatasan kedua negara, lalu diadakan kembali perundingan di Canberra dari tanggal 22-26 Januari 19973 untuk menyelesaikan masalah yang belum terselesaikan sebelumnya. Isi perjanjian tesebut yaitu penyelesaian-penyelesaan atas masalah-masalah penetapan garis batas darat di sebelah utara dan selatan Sungai Fly, penetapan garis batas laut wilayah serta garis batas dasar laut di Selatan Irian.
Kerumitan perjanjian Indonesia-Australia pada saat penetapan garis batas darat di belokan Sungai Fly. Sengketa terjadi ketika secara sepihak Australia meyatakan bukti-bukti nyata mengenai keberatannya atas pemakaian prinsip koordinat-koordinat dalam menetapkan perbatasan sehingga Indonesia menyetujui usul Autralia mnggunakan prinsip alur pelayaran Sungai Flu.
Perbatasan laut antara kedua negara sangat luas yaitu krang lebig 2.100 mil laut dari selat Torres sampai P.Chrismas. perjanjian perbatasan kedua negara cukup menarik karena telah disepakati sebelum berlakunya UNCLOS ’82 maupun sesudahnya. Sengketa yang terjadi ketika negara Timor Leste telah merdeka sehingga perjanjian sebelumnya harus ada yang di ubah yaitu perjanjian Timor Gap Treaty harus dibatalkan dan perlunya perundingan secara antara RI-Timor Leste-Australia. Namun persoalan semakin rumit karena perbedaan pendapat dan kepentingan antara Indonesia, Australia dan Timor Leste di perairan Celah Timor, sehingga kesepakatan sulit terjalin.

Sengketa Republik Indonesia-Republik Palau mengenai perbatasan wilayah
Palau adalah negara kepulauan yang berada di sebelah timur laut NKRI, namun belum diadakannya perjanjian secara bilateral mengenai perbatasan laut antara kedua negara tersebut. Sengketa yang terjadi karena penarikan zona perikanan yang dilakukan oleh Palau akan merugikan negara Indonesia karena mengambil bagian ZEE Indonesia. Belum adanya kesepakatan mengenai batas perairan ZEE kedua negara mengakibatkan kebingungan tentang pelanggaran hukum yang dilakukan oleh nelayan kedua negara karena belum adanya kesepakatan untuk mengatur peraturan yang jelas. Kedua negara memilki ambisi untuk mengambil keuntungan di perbatasan wilayah ini karena terdapat banyak peninggalan benda-benda sejarah sebagai asset penting.

1. Peran Perjanjian Bilateral-Multilateral Terhadap Status Indonesia Sebagai Negara Kepulauan
Sebagai Negara Kepulauan, Indonesia dapat menentukan lokasi-lokasi alur laut kepulauannya, mengganti alur laut kepulauan, rute lintas penerbangan udara, skema pemisah lalu lintas penangguhan dan pelanggaran lintas damai untuk keperluan keamanan, dan pelayaran internasional. Seperti yang telah disebutkan sebelumnya, bahwa Indonesia dengan konsepsi Negara Kepulauannya tidak akan bisa bertahan jika tidak terus diperjuangkan, Maka upaya yang dapat dilakukan untuk itu selain melalui Undang-Undang, cara lain yang juga efektif adalah dengan mengadakan perjanjian internasional berdasarkan ketentuan hukum Internasional. Perjanjian internasional merupakan kata sepakat antara dua atau lebih subyek hukum internasional ( Negara, tahta suci, kelompok pembebasan, organisasi internasional ) mengenai suatu obyek tertentu yang dirumuskan secara tertulis dan tunduk pada atau yang diatur oleh hukum internasional ( Parthiana, 2002: 13 ).
Perjanjian bilateral adalah suatu perjanjian internasional yang pihak-pihak atau Negara peserta yang terikat dalam perjanjian tersebut ialah hanya dua pihak atau dua Negara saja, sedangkan Perjanjian multilateral adalah suatu perjanjian internasional yang pihak-pihak atau Negara-negara yang menjadi peserta pada perjanjian itu lebih dari dua Negara. Indonesia dengan konsepsi Negara Kepulauannya memiliki wilayah darat yang luas terbukti dengan banyaknya hamparan pulau-pulau di Indonesia, dan wilayah laut yang juga luas yang menciptakan adanya kedaulatan yang dimiliki oleh Indonesia dalam melaksanakan yurisdiksi eksekutif di wilayahnya atas dasar Hukum Internasional. Ketika kita berbicara mengenai konsepsi Negara kepulauan, Maka lebih banyak pembahasan yang kita temui adalah hal-hal yang terkait dengan perbatasan wilayah Indonesia dengan Negara-negara lain khususnya Negara-negara yang berbatasan langsung dengan Indonesia, dan biasanya bagian wilayah yang lebih banyak berbatasan dengan Negara lain tersebut adalah daerah atau wilayah laut. Kedaulatan Negara atas wilayah laut merupakan suatu pembahasan yang sangat penting dewasa ini, ditandai dengan sangat pesatnya perkembangan hukum laut internasional dewasa ini, khususnya setelah disahkannya Konvensi Hukum Laut PBB 1982. Oleh karena itulah, Indonesia sebagai Negara yang berdaulat berhak dan perlu untuk mengadakan pengaturan-pengaturan atas wilayah-wilayah yang menjadi kedaulatannya, seperti mengatur wilayah laut teritorial sendiri, perairan pedalaman Indonesia, landas kontinen, zona ekonomi ekslusif , dan lainnya ( Adolf, 1991 ).
Peran perjanjian bilateral-multilateral terhadap status Indonesia sebagai Negara Kepulauan secara umum yang terlihat jelas dan terasa bagi bangsa Indonesia adalah akan lebih memperkuat atau memperkokoh konsepsi atau prinsip bahwa Indonesia memang merupakan Negara Kepulauan, sehingga diakuinya konsep negara kepulauan Indonesia oleh bangsa-bangsa lain di dunia dan dapat mencegah terjadinya konflik dengan Negara lain yang dapat memecah kesatuan Negara Republik Indonesia, terlebih lagi dalam hal kesatuan wilayah kekuasaan Negara Republik Indonesia. Namun, di samping itu kita juga perlu mengetahui dan mempelajari seberapa penting atau bermanfaat atau seberapa berperankah perjanjian bilateral-multilateral terhadap konsepsi Indonesia sebagai Negara Kepulauan. Beberapa yang dapat Penulis kemukakan diantaranya adalah :
a).   Atas dasar pengakuan prinsip Negara Kepulauan dan didukung dengan berbagai perjanjian bilateral-multilateral yang dijalin Indonesia dengan Negara lain membuat luas wilayah Indonesia berkembang menjadi 8.400.000 km.
b).  Dengan dilakukannya perjanjian bilateral-multilateral antara Indonesia dengan Negara-negara yang berbatas langsung dengan Indonesia, Maka masing-masing Negara dapat menyepakati dan memperjelas mengenai perbatasan daerah/wilayah satu Negara dengan Negara lainnya.
c). Semakin banyak perjanjian yang dilakukan maka akan semakin memperkokoh kesatuan Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia, satu pulau dengan pulau lainnya semakin menjadi satu kesatuan yang kuat dan kompak tanpa adanya campur tangan dari Negara lainnya serta tidak adanya penggunaan wilayah laut yang suatu negara yang digunakan sewenang-wenangnya oleh negara lain.
d).  Akan semakin mengukuhkan lagi kedudukan hukum dari pada wawasan nusantara Indonesia yang dilandasi konsepsi negara kepulauan.
e). Memantapkan pengakuan pihak ketiga terhadap wawasan nusantara dan kekuasaan yurisdiksi Indonesia atas wilayah-wilayahnya.
f).  Dengan diadakannya perjanjian bilateral-multilateral, suatu negara yang berdaulat dapat mengatur tata tertib di wilayah kekuasaannya, seperti wilayah perairan pedalaman, laut teritorian, zona tambahan, zona ekonomi eksklusif dan hal terkait lainnya.
g). Dapat menyelesaikan segala persoalan garis batas Kontinen dengan negara-negara tetangga, sebagaimana yang tercantum dalam pengumuman pemerintah tentang landas kontinen Indonesia pada tanggal 17 Februari 1969.
h).  Indonesia sebagai Negara Kepulauan membuat perairan yang dahulunya merupakan bagian dari laut lepas, kini menjadi perairan kepulauan atau berada atas wilayah kedaulatan Indonesia. Sehingga jika dalam perkembangannya dilakukan perjanjian bilateral-multilateral maka akan semakin mmemperjelas status hukum atas kepemilikan wilayah laut yang tadinya laut lepas menjadi perairan kepulauan berada atas kekuasaan penuh Indonesia.
i).  Dengan dilakukannya perjanjian bilateral-multilateral untuk menciptakan kepastian hukum oleh Indonesia yang dalam hal ini dilakukan oleh pejabat terkait, Maka akan bermanfaat bagi generasi Indonesia berikutnya, yaitu dapat terhindar dari terjadinya konflik dengan Negara tetangga yang berbatasan langsung dengan Indonesia, karena sebelumnya sudah ada penetapan atas dasar hukum internasional yang dilakukan oleh pemimpin-pemimpin negara sebelumnya.

2. Bentuk Contoh Perjanjian Bilateral-Multilateral Yang Dilakukan Indonesia Dengan Negara Lain Untuk Memperkuat Status Indonesia Sebagai Negara Kepulauan.
Berdasarkan azas umum dalam Hukum Internasional setiap Negara memiliki kekuasaan tertinggi atau kedaulatan atas orang dan benda yang ada dalam wilayahnya sendiri. Supaya adanya saling menghargai kedaulatan masing-masing Negara, Maka oleh karena itulah diperlukannya kerjasama di berbagai bidang, khususnya di bidang menyangkut wilayah perbatasan suatu Negara dengan Negara lain. Hal ini dapat diwujudkan dalam bentuk perjanjian internasional. Pada perjanjian internasional, jika ditinjau dari segi jumlah Negara-negara yang menjadi pihak atau pesertanya maka dikenal dengan adanya perjanjian bilateral maupun perjanjian multilateral, dan dua bentuk perjanjian inilah yang menjadi salah satu hal yang dapat memperkokoh konsepsi Negara Kepulauan dari suatu Negara, salah satunya adalah Negara Republik Indonesia. Adapun beberapa contoh perjanjian yang sudah pernah ditandatangani oleh Indonesia untuk memperkuat status Indonesia sebagai Negara Kepulauan adalah :
a).  Perjanjian antara Indonesia dengan Malaysia tentang Garis Batas Landas Kontinen di Selat Malaka dan Laut Cina Selatan yang ditandatangani di Kuala Lumpur pada tanggal 27 Oktober 1969.
b).  Perjanjian antara Indonesia dengan Malaysia tentang Garis Batas Laut Teritorial di Selat Malaka yang ditandatangani di Kualalumpur pada tanggal 17 Maret 1970.
c).  Perjanjian anatar Indonesia dengan Thailand tentang Garis Batas Landas Kontinen di Selat Malaka Utara dan Laut Andaman yang ditandatangani di Bangkok pada tanggal 17 Desember 1971.
d).  Perjanjian antara Indonesia dengan Australia tentang Garis Batas Dasar Laut Arafura dan Laut Bagian Utara Irian Jaya yang ditandatangani di Canberra pada tanggal 18 Mei 1971
e).   Perjanjian antara Indonesia dengan Australia mengenai Garis Batas Laut Teritorial antara Indonesia-Papua Nugini di Bagian Selatan Irian Jaya yang ditandatangani di Jakarta pada tanggal 12 Februari 1973.
f).   Perjanjian antara Indonesia dengan Singapura tentang Garis Batas Laut Teritorial di Selat Singapura yang ditandatangani di Jakarta pada tanggal 25 Mei 1973.
g).  Perjanjian antara Indonesia dengan India tentang Garis Batas Landas Kontinen di New Delhi pada tanggal 15 Januari 1977.
h).  Perjanjian antara Indonesia dan Australia tentang Batas tertentu Landas Kontinen dan Zona Ekonomi Eksklusif pada tahun 1997.
i).   Perjanjian antara Indonesia dengan Malaysia dan Thailand tentang Garis Batas Landas Kontinen di Selat Malaka Utara yang ditandatangani di Kualalumpur pada tanggal 21 Desember 1971.
          Países chegam a acordo para texto final da Rio+20 e excluem descriminalização do aborto        

Os 193 países participantes chegaram a um acordo nesta terça-feira sobre o texto final da Rio+20. A expressão “direitos reprodutivos” que constava no texto final foi retirada por pressão do Vaticano, que a relacionava à descriminalização do aborto.
O Vaticano possui status de observador na ONU. A nova redação fala apenas em “saúde reprodutiva”, que faz menção ao direito de acesso a métodos de planejamento familiar. Também foram mantidos os temas sobre igualdade de gêneros, que trata de direitos sexuais femininos, em referência à Declaração de Pequim.
Alguns países, como os EUA, também se manifestaram descontentes com alguns trechos do texto mas não especificaram quais. Apesar disso, aprovaram a redação final.
O chefe de comunicação do evento, Nikhil Chandavarkar, ponderou que apesar de algumas discordâncias, o consenso foi atingido. “Claro que acertar um consenso tem infelicidades em alguns pontos, mas ninguém questiona o consenso ao texto”, disse ele a Reuters.
“Temos um texto 100% acertado pelos 193 países” da ONU, comemorou o chanceler brasileiro, Antonio Patriota, segundo a Veja. “É uma vitória do multilateralismo. O espírito do Rio continua vivo, vinte anos depois” da Cúpula da Terra de 1992, acrescentou.
O Brasil, país anfitrião, assumiu no sábado a frente das negociações e apresentou nesta terça-feira um projeto de declaração final em uma reunião plenária.
União Europeia e nações africanas mostraram desacordo quanto à questão sobre a criação de uma Agência Mundial do Meio Ambiente para substituir o Programa das Nações Unidas para o Meio Ambiente (Pnuma).  Brasil  e EUA, porém, fizeram oposição, e os demais países e tiveram que se conformar com o reforço do sistema atual.
ONGs e ecologistas criticaram um texto que, em sua opinião, carece das ações de que o planeta precisa para enfrentar uma demanda de 50% mais alimentos, 45% mais energia e 30% mais água até 2030. Eles repudiaram a redação do texto final e mencionaram o fracasso da reunião, que passou a ser chamada por ativistas de “Rio-20″.
Reunião de cúpula
O texto ainda pode ser modificado durante a reunião de alto nível da conferência, com 100 chefes de estado que tem início nesta quarta-feira (20).
Os líderes mundiais já começam a chegar ao Rio de Janeiro, para participar da cúpula que discute as formas de preservação dos recursos naturais do planeta e a maneira de tirar milhares de pessoas da pobreza.
A cúpula terá duração de três dias e contará com a presença de chefes de estado como o primeiro-ministro chinês, Wen Jiabao, do russo Dimitri Medvedev e do indiano Manhohan Singh.
Também o presidente francês François Hollande, o sul-africano Jacob Zuma e o iraniano Mahmud Ahmadinejad, estarão presentes.
Algumas importantes ausências, porém, serão sentidas, como a de Barack Obama, líder da maior economia do planeta, e de Angela Merkel, chanceler da maior economia europeia,  conhecida por ser tradicionalmente comprometida com o meio ambiente.
O encontro já está sendo considerado a maior conferência da história da ONU, a quarta do tipo desde 1972.
Gospel prime

          CLASIFICACION        
La única clasificación aceptada universalmente es la del Jurista Bryce donde solo acepta dos formas la formal y la material.



Según su formulación jurídica

Esta es la clasificación clásica los cuales se desprende dos tipos de constituciones escritas y no escritas
1. Escritas: Es el texto legal donde se plasman los principios fundamentales sobre donde descansa la organización, limites y las facultades del estado, así como deberes y derechos de los individuos. Es el texto específico que contiene la totalidad o casi la totalidad de las normas básicas, y que debe ser respetado por cualquier otra norma de rango inferior.
2. No escritas: También llamada constitución consuetudinaria, no existe un texto específico que contenga la totalidad, o casi la totalidad de las normas básicas.

Según el comentario de Esmein, es preferible una constitución escrita a una consuetudinaria, debido a que una Constitución escrita permite una mayor certidumbre jurídica y concede ventajas de técnica jurídica, ya que se conoce con mayor precisión qué normas son constitucionales y cuáles no lo son y, otorga mayores ventajas, debido a que es más sencillo ubicar la jerarquía y la unidad del sistema jurídico en un régimen de Constitución escrita

Según su reformabilidad

Según su reformabilidad se clasifican en rígidas y flexibles

1. Rígidas: Son aquellas q necesitan de un procedimiento especial y complejo para su reformabilidad; es decir, los procedimientos para la creación, reforma o adición de las leyes constitucionales es distinto y más complejo que los procedimientos de las leyes ordinarias. En la práctica las constituciones escritas son también constituciones rígidas; es decir, cuando en un Estado encontramos que existe Constitución escrita, descubrimos que ésta tiene un procedimiento más complejo de reforma o adición que el procedimiento para la creación, reforma o adición de una ley ordinaria.

2. flexibles: La constitución es flexible cuando permite ser modificada por una ley ordinaria, o sin mayores formalidades. Un ejemplo claro de constitución flexible es la consuetudinaria, por que se puede modificar por costumbres o usos diferentes.



Según su origen
Pueden ser otorgadas, pactadas, impuestas y aprobadas por la voluntad del pueblo
1. otorgadas: Las constituciones otorgadas se dice que corresponden tradicionalmente a un Estado monárquico, donde el propio soberano es quien precisamente las otorga; es decir, son aquellas en las cuales el monarca, en su carácter de titular de la soberanía, las otorga al pueblo. En este caso, se parte de las siguientes premisas:
1. Desde la perspectiva del monarca, es él quien la otorga por ser el depositario de la soberanía.
2. Es una relación entre el titular de la soberanía –monarca— y el pueblo, quien simplemente es receptor de lo que indique el monarca.
3. Se trata de una Constitución en la cual se reconocen los derechos para sus súbditos.
2. impuestas: El Parlamento las impone al monarca, refiriéndose al Parlamento en sentido amplio, con lo que se alude a la representación de las fuerzas políticas de la sociedad de un Estado, de los grupos reales de poder en un Estado que se configuran en un órgano denominado Parlamento. En este tipo de Constitución, es la representación de la sociedad la que le impone una serie de notas, determinaciones o de cartas políticas al rey, y éste las tiene que aceptar. Por lo tanto, existe en el caso de las constituciones impuestas, una participación activa de la representación de la sociedad en las decisiones políticas fundamentales.
3. pactadas:
En las constituciones pactadas la primera idea que se tiene es el consenso. Nadie las otorga en forma unilateral, ni tampoco las impone debido a que si son impuestas y no se pactan carecerían de un marco de legitimidad. Estas constituciones son multilaterales, ya que todo lo que se pacte implica la voluntad de dos o más agentes; por lo tanto, son contractuales y se dice que parten de la teoría del pacto social. Así, se puede pactar entre comarcas, entre provincias, entre fracciones revolucionarias, etc.
Las constituciones pactadas o contractuales implican: primero, una mayor evolución política que en aquellas que son impuestas u otorgadas; segundo, en las pactadas hay, una fuerte influencia de la teoría del pacto social; tercero, en aquellas que son pactadas este pacto o consenso se puede dar entre diversos agentes políticos—todos aquellos grupos de poder real que estén reconocidos por el Estado-. Así, aún tratándose de una monarquía, cuando se pacta los gobernados dejan de ser súbditos.
Por voluntad de la soberanía popular.- es cuando el origen del documento constitucional es directamente la sociedad
          Historia de Mondragon        



MONDRAGON CORPORACION COOPERATIVA
“Historia de Una Experiencia”
Julio de 2007

INTRODUCCION
La historia de lo que hoy constituye Mondragón Corporación Cooperativa, en su ya dilatado trayecto, se asienta en el convencimiento de que la “Experiencia”, como se ha denominado internamente, está en un devenir permanente, abierta a lo que ocurre en el entorno, a cuyo desarrollo desea contribuir, y obligada por tanto a reinventarse permanentemente.
La adaptación al marco en el que ha desarrollado sus actividades, profundamente cambiante tanto en lo económico como en lo social, político, etc., se ha considerado una necesidad inexcusable no sólo para sobrevivir sino para progresar en la consecución de los objetivos deseados.
Esta línea orientadora de la acción ha exigido, exigirá siempre, un esfuerzo permanente en la búsqueda de equilibrios, evidentemente inestables, entre atributos aparentemente paradójicos de la realidad empresarial cooperativa, tales como:
Eficacia y democracia Lo económico y lo social Igualdad de las personas y organización jerárquica Interés particular (de las personas y de las empresas) e interés general Identificación con el modelo cooperativo y cooperación con otros modelos empresariales
De la tensión inherente a estas paradojas de la cultura empresarial cooperativa y de la necesidad de adaptarse a la realidad cambiante, deriva una innovación organizativa constante a lo largo de la historia de esta experiencia, que afecta a cada cooperativa, a su conjunto y a las relaciones con el exterior:
buscando la eficacia empresarial en los mercados cambiantes descubriendo fórmulas de solución de los conflictos en un marco de cooperación, no de confrontación experimentando estilos de gestión propios, coherentes con los Principios Básicos Corporativos
Los procesos permanentes de adaptación que caracterizan la trayectoria seguida han mostrado su validez en las etapas subsiguientes a su implantación, pero también han tenido que pagar un costo, a veces alto, experimentando en propia carne la dureza de abandonar lo conocido para adentrarse por caminos no transitados.

PRIMEROS PASOS
El hecho determinante que había de dar lugar a la “puesta de la primera piedra” del edificio hoy constituido por MCC, se encuentra inequívocamente en la llegada a Mondragón de un joven sacerdote llamado D. José María Arizmendiarrieta. En algunos proyectos resulta complicado encontrar un único factor causal, a lo mejor porque no existe, pero en éste las cosas son meridianamente claras, hasta el punto de que incluso para aquellos que no tuvimos la suerte de tomar parte activa en las primeras realizaciones, resulta fácil identificar a la persona de D. José María como desencadenante fundamental de nuestra particular historia. Aunque sea una hipótesis incomprobable, todos los que participamos en este proyecto estamos convencidos de que sin el influjo de su presencia, las también llamadas cooperativas de Mondragón simplemente no habrían existido. Tal fue la capacidad movilizadora de aquel sacerdote joven, 26 años entonces, dinámico, emprendedor, cargado de ideas, que en 1941 llega a Mondragón para hacerse cargo de la juventud de la parroquia. Desde su llegada hasta la aparición de la primera empresa productiva transcurren nada menos que catorce años, lo que quiere decir que en su ánimo no hay una idea preconcebida de desarrollo empresarial y sí de preocupación por las personas, porque existan opciones para todos y se satisfagan las carencias sociales enormemente acusadas en una población que vive las consecuencias desastrosas de la guerra civil. En este dilatado período de tiempo hasta la constitución de Talleres Ulgor, hoy Fagor Electrodomésticos, D. José María trabaja intensamente con los jóvenes, organizando multitud de actividades deportivas, culturales y principalmente formativas. Algunos de aquellos jóvenes empiezan a destacar por su papel en las actividades que emprende el sacerdote, realizan un esfuerzo significativo, compatibilizando estudio y trabajo, adquiriendo conocimientos y valores que les harán convertirse más tarde en los artífices de una complicada y admirable tarea, transformar las ideas de D. José María, la mayoría de las veces sólo esbozos, no siempre nítidos, en realidades operativas que conciten la adhesión de los partícipes y se desarrollen con éxito. La tarea formativa de aquellos primeros años tiene en su esencia contenidos que aún hoy en día constituyen para muchas entidades una aspiración: compatibilizaba la exposición, la definición de la idea, con el método mediante el cual los receptores de la teoría se convertían en realizadores de su aplicación. Se aprendía escuchando, debatiendo y haciendo. Sólo dos años después de su llegada a Mondragón, crea la Escuela Profesional, germen de lo que andando el tiempo ha llegado a ser Mondragon Unibertsitatea. La Escuela ha tenido siempre un papel de primera magnitud formando a muchas de las personas que posteriormente fueron artífices destacados del desarrollo cooperativo.

Todo este largo proceso de experiencias organizativas y de formación sirve para que los jóvenes implicados alcancen un extraordinario grado de madurez, preparándose para abordar una etapa en la que su rol va a adquirir mayor trascendencia y, guiados siempre por el líder indiscutible, deciden embarcarse en un original desarrollo empresarial.

EVOLUCION
Creo que se pueden distinguir tres etapas en la historia de la Corporación, íntimamente relacionadas con los modelos organizativos adoptados, cuyos elementos identificadores se describen seguidamente.
PRIMERA ETAPA: 1956-1970
Los primeros quince años se caracterizaron por un gran dinamismo que, aprovechando el despertar de la economía española en la segunda mitad de la década de los 50, dio lugar a la creación de un gran número de cooperativas a partir de la puesta en marcha de Fagor en 1956, fabricando hornillos y estufas de petróleo. La intuición, nunca suficientemente ponderada, y el arrojo, de aquellos pioneros, encontró un mercado favorable, cerrado al exterior, que absorbía todo lo que la maquinaria productiva podía ofertar.
En aquel entonces resultaba clave poseer licencias de fabricación, puesto que los conocimientos disponibles no permitían la creación de productos propios. Esta indeseada y limitadora dependencia se percibe con claridad, por lo que muy pronto empiezan a formarse departamentos de I+D en las cooperativas, posibilitando la creación de desarrollos propios, evitando el pago de royalties y las limitaciones de exportar a determinados países impuestos por los licenciadores. Al crecimiento de redes comerciales en el mercado español se incorpora una tímida orientación hacia los mercados exteriores, pese a la escasa rentabilidad de estas operaciones respecto a las del interior, pero conscientes de que el futuro se iba a jugar en un marco diferente. Este enfoque propició una presencia creciente en las ferias internacionales y la creación de redes comerciales en Europa y América Latina. Orientación que se vería fuertemente potenciada al comienzo de la década siguiente con la firma del tratado preferencial entre España y la Comunidad Europea en 1971. Del dinamismo de esta primera etapa quedó constancia el hecho de que a finales del período existían ya 41 cooperativas, algunas de ellas impulsadas desde Fagor, aunque también se dan otros orígenes, como la División Empresarial de Caja Laboral, grupos autónomos, transformaciones de sociedades anónimas, etc. Merece la pena destacar la proliferación de grupos de personas preocupados por el desarrollo de su pueblo o comarca que se acercan a la organización con objeto de estudiar la búsqueda de productos que, tras el correspondiente estudio de viabilidad, concluyen en la constitución de una cooperativa. Algunas iniciativas destacadas en esta época, que posteriormente iban a ejercer una enorme influencia en el desarrollo de MCC, fueron:
ESKOLA POLITEKNIKOA
La experiencia iniciada por D. José María en 1943 con la creación de la Escuela Profesional progresa en esta década con la construcción en 1962 de una nueva Escuela Politécnica, que acoge a más de 1.000 alumnos en las especialidades de mecánica, electricidad, electrónica, fundición, delineación y automatismos. Este centro es reconocido oficialmente en 1969 como Escuela de Ingeniería Técnica Industrial. Ligada a la formación se crea en 1966 la cooperativa Alecop (Actividad Laboral Escolar Cooperativa) como un instrumento para propiciar en la práctica el principio de igualdad de oportunidades, compatibilizando trabajo y estudio a los alumnos que se incorporan a este proyecto.


CAJA LABORAL
En 1959, sólo cuatro años después de la puesta en marcha de la primera cooperativa D. José María propone la idea de creación de una entidad financiera que promueva la captación de ahorro popular y que canalice esos recursos hacia el desarrollo cooperativo. De este modo, en una intuición genial, creaba una entidad cuyo papel a lo largo de la historia ha resultado decisivo, posibilitando un crecimiento imposible a partir de los recursos internos de las cooperativas.
Pero el rol de Caja Laboral ha superado con creces su función específicamente financiera y a través de su División Empresarial fue durante muchos años un soporte básico en la promoción de nuevos negocios en las cooperativas y de las nuevas cooperativas que surgían en distintos enclaves geográficos, realizando una amplia función de asesoramiento y apoyo.
LAGUN-ARO
Es también 1959 la fecha del nacimiento de Lagun-Aro, con objeto de resolver el problema creado a los cooperativistas al negarles el gobierno el derecho a afiliarse al Régimen General de la Seguridad Social, aludiendo a su condición de propietarios en contraposición a la de trabajadores por cuenta ajena. La necesidad hace virtud y Lagun-Aro además de cubrir satisfactoriamente su función específica, ha resultado una excepcional escuela de aprendizaje, al gestionar los propios mutualistas prestaciones y cuotas, lo que acaba dotando a los ciudadanos de un gran sentido de responsabilidad y realismo, derivación lógica del conocimiento de que toda prestación tiene su costo.

EROSKI
Justo al final de los 60, en 1969, se constituye Eroski, cuya presencia en esta etapa tiene poca significación, pero que debe quedar reflejada por el gran peso que adquirirá más tarde dentro de MCC. Nacida de la fusión de nueve pequeñas cooperativas locales, supone entrar en un sector nuevo, necesitado de transformación, en el que las cooperativas aisladas carecían de proyección e incluso, como la historia ha demostrado, estaban condenadas a desaparecer.

ORGANIZACION
Las cooperativas durante esta etapa carecen entre sí de lazos de relación exceptuando el de su vinculación a Caja Laboral, regulada mediante un contrato de asociación en el que se recogían los únicos requisitos comunes al conjunto. Esta es otra de las funciones que durante mucho tiempo realizó Caja Laboral, siendo la cabecera del grupo y prácticamente la única referencia común existente.
Algunas cooperativas sienten no obstante la necesidad de crear lazos comunes y así ya en 1964 se constituye en la zona de Mondragón el Grupo Ularco, que más tarde servirá de referencia para otras cooperativas, aunque la semilla tarde en prender. El Grupo Ularco se regula bajo la fórmula de contrato multilateral basado en “un régimen de compromiso mutuo y solidaridad comunitaria, que tiene como objetivo la promoción de la vinculación óptima y dinámica de las necesidades de las comunidades laborales y las exigencias de una empresa mercantil moderna con las fuerzas técnicas, financieras y de comercialización adecuadas”. El esquema organizacional del conjunto es, tal como se ha dicho, de una gran simplicidad y cada cooperativa afronta su destino de modo individual con los apoyos financieros de Caja Laboral y de gestión por parte de la División Empresarial.
Al final del período los logros alcanzados se reflejaban en las siguientes variables: En Millones de Pesetas 1 9 7 0
Ventas
7.059
Exportaciones
786
Recursos Intermediados Caja Laboral
3.204
Fondo Patrimonial Lagun-Aro
147
Nº de Cooperativas
40
Puestos de Trabajo
8.743
Las exportaciones del Grupo Industrial superaban ligeramente el 11% de las ventas totales, lo que para la época no resultaba desdeñable.

SEGUNDA ETAPA 1970-1990 Inicialmente se caracteriza por la continuidad de la dinámica anterior, lo que produce un extraordinario crecimiento de las ventas, del número de cooperativas y del empleo. En esta primera mitad del período se constituye IKERLAN, 1974, como centro de investigación que se plantea como objetivo el captar capacidades tecnológicas y desarrollar aplicaciones de las mismas en la industria. Una vez más es perceptible la capacidad de anticipación en la búsqueda de soluciones, conscientes de que el futuro se juega en un terreno que exige ofertar permanentemente opciones diferenciadas que satisfagan las expectativas de los clientes. Coincide, en el proyecto de IKERLAN, la necesidad de las cooperativas, el apoyo de Caja Laboral y la aportación de los profesionales por parte de Mondragón Eskola Politeknikoa, en cuyo seno ya se venía trabajando en el desarrollo tecnológico. Corresponde también a esta época la creación de Otalora, como centro especializado en la formación y difusión cooperativa y en la preparación de directivos. Su papel resulta fundamental para responder a las exigencias de unas funciones directivas que más allá de los conocimientos profesionales, absolutamente imprescindibles, reclaman la existencia de personas con un gran sentido de la responsabilidad, profundamente implicados en el proyecto empresarial pero también en el cooperativo y sabedores del reglamentario sometimiento al control social de su comunidad. La larga etapa de bonanza vivida, en términos generales, desde el comienzo de la experiencia se ve brutalmente truncada en los primeros años de los ochenta debido a la profunda crisis que afecta a la economía cuya manifestación más dolorosa, desconocida hasta entonces, es el desempleo creciente, con tasas que superan el 20%. Como no podía ser de otro modo, las cooperativas resultan afectadas, un número significativo obtiene resultados negativos, los excedentes de plantilla son por primera vez una variable a gestionar y se produce el cierre de algunas actividades. Por suerte, no todas las cooperativas sufren con la misma intensidad los embates de la crisis, saliendo mejor paradas aquéllas que se habían adelantado en la promoción de la política exportadora, lo que les permite amortiguar los efectos de un mercado interior en recesión profunda. Época de contrariedades en la que hay que aprender a gestionar en circunstancias desconocidas, aplicando con rigor las posibilidades contempladas en el modelo y creando nuevos instrumentos, innecesarios hasta entonces, como la cobertura del desempleo. Son años en los que las dificultades ponen de manifiesto la clarividencia de los fundadores al crear instituciones como Caja Laboral y Lagun-Aro, soporte básico para la resolución de problemas que alcanzaron una enorme magnitud. La empresa cooperativa salió mejor librada de la crisis que el tejido empresarial del entorno, mostrando las virtudes de un modelo en el que la implicación de los trabajadores es consustancial a su naturaleza.
Entre las políticas que hicieron una aportación de mayor entidad en momentos de tanta turbulencia, pueden señalarse:
Capitalización de Resultados
La política de capitalización de resultados permite el refuerzo permanente de los recursos propios, aumentando la capacidad de resistencia en unos casos y potenciando las posibilidades de desarrollo en otros.
Hay que tener en cuenta que sólo la parte de los resultados destinada al Fondo de Obras Sociales (10%) sale de la empresa, mientras que el resto, incluidos los Retornos, participación de los socios en los beneficios, se capitalizan, sin que sean reintegrables más que en el caso de salida de la cooperativa o en la jubilación. También la reconversión de resultados, ampliamente generalizada en los Grupos Comarcales, ayudó a paliar la situación de las cooperativas más afectadas por la crisis mediante la transferencia de recursos de aquéllas otras en posición más desahogada.
Flexibilización de calendarios
Es un mecanismo que permite ajustar el calendario a la carga real de trabajo a lo largo del año. El exceso o defecto de horas acumulado se procura compensar en el siguiente semestre. Si transcurrido ese plazo no se ha producido la regulación total, el saldo pendiente se liquida, capitaliza o subsidia.
Reubicaciones
Los socios excedentarios en una cooperativa tienen a la vez preferencia y obligación de ocupar un puesto en otra cooperativa, bien con carácter temporal, si la situación de su cooperativa de origen es transitoria, o definitivo.
Política Retributiva
Se halla íntimamente ligada a la situación económico-financiera de la cooperativa, por lo que en esa época fueron muchos los casos en los que las actualizaciones anuales fueron negativas. Abundaron también las situaciones en las que se procedió a la capitalización de una e incluso de las dos pagas extraordinarias.
Recomposición Financiera
Las pérdidas acumuladas produjeron tal deterioro patrimonial que hubo casos en los que fue necesario proceder a la reposición de los capitales. En un sistema en el que los únicos propietarios son los socios, en general de trabajo, sólo a estos les compete hacer frente a la necesaria recomposición financiera. Como los socios viven de la retribución que perciben de la cooperativa, afectada en circunstancias de crisis por las políticas señaladas, fue bastante habitual que tuvieran que recurrir al préstamo individual, que en condiciones favorables concedía Caja Laboral, para hacer frente a la necesaria aportación de capital. La intervención de Caja Laboral resultó entonces más decisiva que nunca, subvencionando los intereses de los préstamos, incluso hasta alcanzar el cero por ciento. En los casos más graves se realizaron condonaciones, parciales o totales, del principal. Todo esto dentro de Planes de Viabilidad que justificaban la razonabilidad del esfuerzo de todos los agentes. Destacar que las medidas descritas, algunas de notable dureza, se tomaron en Asambleas Generales, con presencia de todos los socios y mediante votaciones en las que el principio operativo es el de una persona un voto. Me parece de justicia reconocer la sensatez, responsabilidad y compromiso de tantas personas que supieron asumir el protagonismo que les correspondía en circunstancias tan indeseadas. La aplicación de todos estos instrumentos, la mejora de las técnicas de gestión, el inicio de la planificación estratégica como complemento de los planes de gestión anuales y la modificación del escenario económico en la segunda parte de los ochenta, permitieron el cambio de signo en el comportamiento de las cooperativas, entrando de nuevo en un período favorable.
Los acontecimientos vividos parecen haber condicionado el desarrollo de nuevas cooperativas ya que la actividad promocional se ralentiza hasta casi desaparecer.
Se inicia por el contrario el fenómeno de incorporación de empresas no cooperativas pertenecientes a sectores en los que ya estábamos presentes, con objeto de reforzar la presencia en el mercado y disminuir el decalaje dimensional frente a nuestros principales competidores, la mayoría empresas multinacionales. El desarrollo internacional se caracteriza por el incremento de las exportaciones, la apertura de nuevos mercados con el establecimiento de delegaciones comerciales en diferentes países y el inicio de implantaciones productivas en el exterior mediante la creación de dos plantas fabriles en Méjico y Tailandia. Caja Laboral continúa su desarrollo expandiendo el número de oficinas y alcanzando una posición importante entre las entidades financieras del país Vasco, a pesar de su juventud relativa. Se abren oficinas en Madrid y Barcelona, lo que da lugar a un debate interesante por lo que supone de novedad desarrollar actividades cooperativizadas más allá del territorio de origen. Eroski se desarrolla con fuerza en todo el territorio vasco, situándose en una posición de liderazgo indiscutible a mucha distancia de las empresas competidoras. Se abre el primer hipermercado en Vitoria, iniciando a finales de los ochenta la reflexión sobre la posibilidad del mantenimiento futuro de una empresa líder en un mercado reducido, en el que está inevitablemente condenada a competir con empresas internacionales. Las actividades dedicadas a la enseñanza se refuerzan mediante el crecimiento de las existentes y la creación de otras nuevas:
ETEO, para la formación en Administración y Dirección de Empresas IRAKASLE ESKOLA, Escuela Universitaria de Profesorado ESCUELA POLITECNICA TXORIERRI ESCUELA POLITECNICA LEA-ARTIBAI
La formación sigue por tanto constituyendo una de las preocupaciones básicas acorde con la historia de Mondragón Corporación Cooperativa.
Organización
A finales de los setenta y principios de los ochenta la semilla sembrada por el Grupo Ularco, posteriormente Fagor, ha prendido en las demás cooperativas que acaban constituyendo Grupos Comarcales, aunque el grado de consolidación alcanzado no resulta homogéneo. Lo importante de este proceso es que todo el mundo empieza a descubrir la necesidad de crear organizaciones que aglutinen a las cooperativas para realizar actividades conjuntas que optimicen los resultados frente a actuaciones individualizadas. Durante los ochenta las reflexiones sobre el futuro del Grupo se intensifican, influenciadas por el proceso de incorporación de España a la Comunidad Europea y las consecuencias que iba a tener para la economía española en general y para nuestra Corporación en particular. Se realizan diferentes estudios y se debaten con amplitud y profundidad las características de una organización corporativa que manteniendo una línea de continuidad con los Valores responda más adecuadamente a las exigencias de los tiempos. Finalmente es en Diciembre de 1984 cuando se crea el Congreso, como órgano en el que se define la voluntad del conjunto, aprobándose en la sesión constituyente el Articulado de Bases del Congreso y el Articulado de Bases del Consejo de Grupos, y eligiendo a la Comisión Permanente como órgano de actuación en los períodos intercongresuales. La modificación respecto al pasado es profunda ya que por primera vez existen instituciones comunes al conjunto de las cooperativas en las que poder abordar el diálogo necesario que permita realizar las transformaciones precisas para responder con éxito a los cambios que la sociedad en su conjunto y los mercados en particular están experimentando. El papel clave que hasta entonces había realizado Caja Laboral se transforma, orientándose a la actividad específicamente financiera, mucho más acorde con el nuevo modelo organizacional que entonces se inaugura.
No obstante, a pesar de los cambios introducidos, la base de la organización de las cooperativas continúan siendo los Grupos Comarcales, es decir la proximidad geográfica, si bien empieza a intuirse que el futuro va a exigir un enfoque más empresarial y menos sociológico. Se celebran en esta etapa dos nuevos Congresos, en 1987 y 1989, en los cuales se aprueban los Principios Básicos que deben inspirar la experiencia cooperativa, la Norma sobre Tratamiento de Capital, se constituyen los primeros fondos intercooperativos, FISO y FEPI, etc. Particular trascendencia encierra el hecho de la aprobación de los Principios Básicos, ya que supone pasar de la etapa en la que la doctrina se construye mediante la creación individual, aceptada por la autoridad moral de quien la emite, a un proceso de mayor complejidad que se construye a partir de la propuesta, debate y aprobación democrática. A partir de entonces, los Principios, que recogen la doctrina elaborada por D. José María, el cooperativismo mundial y el pensamiento de nuestra propia comunidad cooperativa, constituyen la piedra angular sobre la que debe basarse la construcción del proyecto. Hasta aquel momento había referencias deseables, guías morales, a partir de allí hay principios que expresan la voluntad comunitaria y son de obligado cumplimiento.
Organigrama del Grupo Cooperativo Mondragón (Comarcal)
 Variables significativas
En Millones de Pesetas 1 9 9 0
Ventas
303.363
Exportaciones
47.918
Recursos Intermediados Caja Laboral
311.112
Fondo Patrimonial Lagun-Aro
90.917
Nº de Cooperativas
109
Puestos de Trabajo
23.130
TERCERA ETAPA: 1990
Llegamos a la época actual fuertemente influenciada, y hasta determinada, por el proceso organizativo que transforma el Grupo en Corporación, ordenando los negocios en virtud de las coincidencias sectoriales y no de la ubicación geográfica. La comarcalidad había dado lugar a una gran dispersión en la ubicación de los negocios, llegándose al caso extremo del sector de Bienes Intermedios compuesto por 29 cooperativas que pertenecían a 14 grupos comarcales diferentes. La lógica de la organización sectorial encontró fuertes resistencias, porque la propuesta implicaba una evidente dureza al modificar relaciones personales y societarias fuertemente arraigadas a lo largo de los años. La peor de las consecuencias fue la separación de algunas cooperativas que consideraron insatisfactorio el nuevo modelo organizativo. La experiencia vivida hasta ahora muestra con claridad el acierto de la organización sectorial que, a medida que pasa el tiempo, adquiere consistencia desarrollando sinergias potenciadoras de los negocios. Organización Sectorial
La organización, aprobada en el Congreso Cooperativo celebrado en Diciembre de 1991, contempla la existencia de tres Grupos:

Industrial Financiero Distribución
Los Grupos Financiero y Distribución están compuestos cada uno por una sola División, mientras que el Industrial engloba a siete Divisiones. A su vez cada División está compuesta por un número variable de Agrupaciones Sectoriales en las que se integran las cooperativas en función de las convergencias de mercado existentes. Las Agrupaciones constituyen uno de los núcleos básicos de la gestión al estarles encomendadas la función de la planificación estratégica en su ámbito, aunque corresponda al Consejo General examinar la coherencia de sus Planes con las políticas corporativas vigentes. Las actividades formativas y de investigación se integran en la nueva organización bajo el concepto de Actividades Corporativas, estando actualmente en proceso de reajuste para buscarles un acomodo organizativo más coherente con el importante papel que están jugando y que no hará sino acrecentarse en el futuro. A diferencia de los modelos más comunes existentes en el mundo empresarial, la nuestra es una Corporación que no se basa en las participaciones financieras y sí en el acuerdo de las partes para poner en común ámbitos de la gestión que o bien desbordan la capacidad individual o bien consiguen que la actuación conjunta resulte más eficiente. El Centro Corporativo, la parte referencial más visible de MCC como conjunto, es fundamentalmente, aunque no sólo, un centro de servicios que presta su apoyo al desarrollo de los negocios de las cooperativas encuadradas en Agrupaciones y Divisiones. De una forma explícita y fácilmente entendible se puede decir que la Corporación no es la propietaria de las cooperativas, sino que son estas últimas, junto al resto de las estructuras creadas, las que componen Mondragón Corporación Cooperativa. La gestión combina la actuación vertical ejercida por la direcciones divisionales y agrupacionales con la horizontal realizada a través de los Departamentos Centrales del Centro Corporativo, que impulsan la puesta en marcha de las políticas corporativas y el aprovechamiento de las sinergias existentes.
Los trabajos realizados en los Congresos Cooperativos celebrados entre 1984 y 1995, han servido para definir la regulación jurídica de MCC, aprobando las Normas reguladoras de su funcionamiento. La simple enumeración de las Normas vigentes creo que sirve para dar una visión global de la configuración corporativa. 1. Principios Básicos de la Experiencia Cooperativa de Mondragón. 2. Normas de configuración societaria de MCC. Articulado de Bases del Congreso de MCC. Norma sobre Elección de la Comisión Permanente del Congreso. Norma sobre Regulación de Infracciones y Sanciones en MCC. Articulado de Bases del Consejo General de MCC. 3. Normas de configuración institucional de cooperativas de base y agrupaciones. Norma Básica sobre Organización de las Agrupaciones Sectoriales. Norma Básica sobre Organización de los Grupos Comarcales. Norma Básica sobre Estructura Societaria de las Cooperativas de Base de MCC. Norma Básica sobre Política Retributiva del Trabajo. Norma Básica de Tratamiento del Capital Social y Distribución de Resultados
4. Normas de Intercooperación. Norma Básica sobre la Reconversión de Resultados en MCC. Norma de Bases para la Constitución del Fondo Intercooperativo de Solidaridad (FISO). Norma Básica para la Creación de un Fondo de Educación y Promoción Intercooperativo (FEPI). Sociedad de Cartera. 5. Normas de Política Empresarial. Política Empresarial de MCC para 2001-2004. Fundamentos y criterios para la gestión del empleo en MCC. 6. Normas Generales definitorias del Proyecto Organizativo. Criterios Básicos, Acciones Estratégicas y Aplicación de los mismos en la Primera Etapa Modelo de Referencia. Aparte de las normas emanadas de los Congresos, existen otra serie de regulaciones aprobadas por la Comisión Permanente o el Consejo General en sus respectivos ámbitos competenciales. A fin de comprender el papel que los órganos corporativos desempeñan en el entramado organizativo a continuación se exponen sus objetivos y un resumen de sus principales competencias:
El Congreso de MCC tiene como objeto el mantenimiento, perfeccionamiento y promoción del desarrollo armónico de la Corporación mediante la planificación y coordinación de las distintas actividades, desarrolladas bajo el principio de una progresiva y adecuada consolidación empresarial y unidad de dirección estratégica.
En cumplimiento de su objeto, el Congreso determinará las pautas o criterios generales por los que se regirá MCC, a la luz de los principios básicos que informan la Experiencia Cooperativa, contrastados con las necesidades detectadas en cada momento. El acuerdo del Pleno del Congreso es preceptivo, entre otras, en las siguientes materias:  Definición del marco general del tratamiento de los factores productivos básicos (Trabajo y Capital) en las Cooperativas de MCC.
Aprobación de las políticas básicas referentes a temas fundamentales de interés común, tales como:
 Promoción de nuevas Cooperativas Investigación científica y tecnológica Bases de la política financiera y laboral Formación empresarial y cooperativa Seguridad Social de los cooperadores Proyección Organizativa de MCC en su conjunto
Análisis y definición de la función que corresponde a MCC en la resolución de los problemas que afectan al conjunto de la sociedad, entorno, estableciendo eventuales relaciones con otros movimientos sociales.
Análisis y actualización de los principios cooperativos sobre los que se asienta la Experiencia, con el fin de mantener su carácter de fuente viva de desarrollo comunitario.
 La Comisión Permanente se constituye como un órgano que opera entre las sesiones plenarias del Congreso, formada por representantes electos designados a través de circunscripciones divisionales por los respectivos Consejos de Agrupación, encomendándosele, entre otras, las siguientes funciones:
Impulso y control de la ejecución de las políticas y acuerdos adoptados por el Pleno del Congreso, la evolución empresarial de MCC y la gestión de la Presidencia del Consejo General.
Propuesta al Pleno del Congreso de los proyectos y asuntos que requieran de su aprobación.
Seguimiento y control de las labores desarrolladas por el Consejo General, cuyo informe someterá a la consideración del Pleno del Congreso.
A propuesta del Presidente del Consejo General, aprobar la definición de las estrategias y objetivos corporativos.
Designación, cese y fijación de la retribución del Presidente del Consejo General y, a propuesta de éste, de los Vicepresidentes, Directores de Departamento y Secretario General de dicho órgano.
Aprobar, a propuesta del Presidente del Consejo General los presupuestos de los Departamentos Centrales y las cuotas de financiación y proponer al Pleno su ratificación.
El Consejo General de la Corporación MCC se configura como un órgano de dirección y coordinación en el ámbito de sus competencias y en relación con las cooperativas adheridas al Congreso.
Está compuesto por:

Presidente del Consejo General Vicepresidentes, responsables de las Divisiones Directores de los Departamentos Centrales Secretario General de MCC
Sus funciones básicas se agrupan en seis áreas diferentes: Política Comprende la elaboración, propuesta a la Comisión Permanente y aplicación de las estrategias y objetivos corporativos que componen el marco estratégico referido a las políticas globales, tales como: Política Industrial Política de Innovación Política Inversora Política Socio-Laboral Política Financiera Política de Promoción Política de Seguridad Social
Control Dictaminar con carácter previo a su aprobación los planes estratégicos de las agrupaciones y sus cooperativas, controlando y apoyando el cumplimiento de los objetivos asignados a las Agrupaciones Sectoriales Coordinación Coordinar las políticas de las Divisiones, Agrupaciones y Cooperativas, armonizando sus intereses particulares en la búsqueda del desarrollo conjunto Fomento Impulso al desarrollo empresarial de la Corporación y cumplimiento de la evolución programada. Constitución de elementos de infraestructura sociales, humanos, físicos, tecnológicos y financieros que propicien el desarrollo armónico de la Corporación.
Intervención Propuesta a la Comisión Permanente de intervención en aquellas cooperativas que atraviesen situaciones críticas, definiendo su alcance y ejerciendo la actuación pertinente. Funcional Elaboración del régimen interno del Consejo General, dentro de los preceptos generales regulados. Propuesta a la Comisión Permanente de la actualización de los Estatutos y Reglamentos tipo de las Agrupaciones Sectoriales. Un paso fundamental de este período lo constituye la aprobación en 1993 de la Política Empresarial de MCC, poniéndose en marcha de este modo por primera vez en la historia de nuestra experiencia cooperativa una de las funciones básicas de la gestión conjunta, cual es la definición de las Políticas Generales como marco global en el cual inscribir la actividad de las Agrupaciones. Dentro de ese marco de políticas se configuró el primer Plan Estratégico Corporativo para el período 1994-1996, en el cual se plasmaron las estrategias y objetivos orientados a dar respuesta válida a los Objetivos Básicos formulados:

Satisfacción del Cliente Rentabilidad Internacionalización Desarrollo Implicación Social
Ya en este primer Plan Estratégico las Agrupaciones plantean las primeras aproximaciones a una gestión más orientada a las unidades de negocio, de la cual se están derivando a medida que pasa el tiempo fuertes transformaciones organizativas más acordes con las características de los diferentes mercados. El propio desarrollo de la nueva organización reclama abordar ámbitos hasta entonces sólo existentes en la preocupación de cada cooperativa, uno de los cuales tiene que ver con la elaboración de un Modelo de Gestión propia que sirva de instrumento para la mejora de la gestión así como para establecer referencias comunes que den coherencia a los análisis conjuntos. Como no podía ser de otro modo el Modelo de Gestión encuentra sus raíces en los principios y valores que han conformado nuestra historia, pero recurre asimismo a las fuentes del management moderno y de las experiencias punteras de las empresas más avanzadas.
Fruto de todas las aportaciones surge el actual Modelo de Gestión cuya característica más destacada es, probablemente, la de incorporar al bloque de los Resultados, no sólo los económicos, sino la Satisfacción del Cliente, el Compromiso con el entorno y la Satisfacción de las Personas. Con ello se quiere significar que la consecución de resultados económicos por sí sola no es suficiente para calificar la gestión de modo positivo. Durante 1996 se elabora el segundo Plan Estratégico que abarca el período 1997-2000, en el que en general se refuerzan las tendencias del anterior y se establecen retos ambiciosos en formación, comunicación, desarrollo, internacionalización, inversión, empleo, etc., que si bien al principio plantean dudas sobre la posibilidad de alcanzarlos, ahora, a punto de concluir el período, puede afirmarse que en su mayoría serán superados. En nuestra historia se demuestra una vez más la fuerza del compromiso y la responsabilidad que se asume en pos de los objetivos planteados. Otro hecho de enorme singularidad que marca esta década es el de la constitución en 1997 de Mondragon Unibertsitatea, promovida por Mondragón Eskola Politeknikoa, Irakasle Eskola y Eteo, culminando un largo proceso de maduración de las experiencias formativas que, a partir de ese momento, comienzan una nueva andadura cargada de promesas. En una experiencia en la que la formación ha desempeñado desde los orígenes un papel clave, parecía lógico que casi por un proceso de decantación natural acabara creándose una Universidad, lo que permite, desde los niveles máximos de autonomía, apostar por objetivos educacionales propios, dentro del marco general de referencia. En esta época se potencian los instrumentos financieros iniciados anteriormente y se crean otros nuevos, MCC Inversiones, MCC Desarrollo, etc., que refuerzan considerablemente la capacidad de desarrollo de las cooperativas, que de este modo se ven apoyadas en una política inversora inevitablemente más ambiciosa, acorde con los cambios producidos en el comportamiento de la economía. Pero estos instrumentos sirven también para poner de manifiesto, una vez más, el valor de la intercooperación, como expresión de la solidaridad creadora que posibilita superar con creces las capacidades individuales. El Centro Corporativo se ajusta a las funciones de apoyo encomendadas, desarrollando aquellas actividades de soporte que permiten optimizar las actividades de Agrupaciones y Cooperativas en diferentes ámbitos.
La última modificación supuso la creación de un Departamento de Promoción, tras un amplio debate en el Consejo General y la Comisión Permanente, tendente a potenciar la tarea de promoción de nuevas actividades, cuya responsabilidad recae en cada uno de los estratos que componen la Corporación.
Variables significativas
Salvo el bienio 92-93, el resto del período ha venido marcado por un crecimiento aceptable de las economías, lo que ha posibilitado un buen desarrollo de las actividades que, en el Grupo Industrial, se han apoyado con mayor intensidad en los mercados exteriores, de acuerdo además con los objetivos perseguidos. El Grupo Financiero, además de crecer de manera notable, ha iniciado sus implantaciones en las Comunidades Autónomas limítrofes con la de origen, encontrando una respuesta favorable por parte de los ahorradores. El Grupo Distribución crece de manera destacada, comenzando su expansión por toda España y por el sur de Francia, lo que ha precisado de una gran capacidad creativa para responder a las exigencias de todo tipo que el desarrollo acelerado le planteaba.

SITUACION ACTUAL
El crecimiento acumulado ha permitido situar a MCC en una posición digna al alcanzar el séptimo lugar entre los grupos empresariales españoles, utilizando la variable de la cifra de ventas. Sin embargo, si la medición se hace en función del empleo MCC se coloca en la tercera posición, destacando al mismo tiempo las características de las actividades y la vocación que nos anima. (millones de Euros) CONCEPTO 2005 2006 VARIACIÓN ANUAL DESARROLLO EMPRESARIAL Activo Total MCC 22.977 27.550 19,9 Recursos Propios MCC 4.226 4.696 11,1 Resultados Consolidados MCC 545 677 24,2 Recursos Intermediados Caja Laboral 11.036 12.333 11,8 Fondo Patrimonial Lagun-Aro 3.303 3.626 9,8 Ventas Totales (Industrial y Distribución) 11.859 13.390 12,9 Inversiones Totales MCC 866 1.243 43,5 EMPLEO Plantilla MCC Fin de Ejercicio 78.455 83.601 6,6 % de Socios sobre Plantilla de Cooperativas 81 80 -1,2 % de Mujeres Socios Plantilla Cooperativas 41,9 41,9 - Índice de Incidencia o Siniestralidad Grupo Industrial 58,3 54 .-7,4 PARTICIPACIÓN Capital Social de los Socios Trabajadores 2.010 2.282 13,5 Nº Socios Trabajadores en Órganos de Gobierno 835 861 3,1 % Distribución de beneficios a socios trabajadores 57,4 50 -12,3 SOLIDARIDAD Recursos Destinados Activ. Contenido Social 33 34 3,0 Nº Alumnos en Centros Educativos de MCC 7.642 7.429 -2,8 GESTIÓN AMBIENTAL RESPONSABLE Nº Certificaciones ISO 14000 Vigentes 42 45 7,1 Nº Certificaciones EMAS Vigentes 4 4 - APUESTAS DE FUTURO % Recursos Destinados a I+D+i s/V.Añadido Grupo Industrial 5.5 5.3 -3,6 Nº de Centros Tecnológicos en MCC 11 12 9,1
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Al ser un grupo muy enraizado en un territorio, resulta significativo hablar de la aportación a la economía vasca, que alcanza el 3,7% del PIB y el 3,8% del empleo. Estos porcentajes se incrementan sensiblemente si los referimos a la incidencia de MCC en el sector industrial. La historia pesa y el origen guipuzcoano de la experiencia explica que el peso de MCC en este territorio sea muy superior a la media, al alcanzar un 7,6% del PIB, un 6,8% del empleo y un 32% de las exportaciones.
Porcentaje de participaciones La evolución creciente de la actividad en los últimos años, pese a las diferentes vicisitudes económicas, sociales, políticas, tecnológicas, etc., muestran la realidad de la afirmación del inicio de este trabajo sobre la capacidad de adaptación permanente y también la validez del aprendizaje de la experiencia. Con carácter general puede afirmarse que el último quinquenio se ha caracterizado por la pujanza de las actividades, como muestran los siguientes cuadros:
SOPORTE IDEOLOGICO
La historia sucintamente narrada hasta ahora habría resultado imposible de no contar con una manera de ser, de comportarse, de hacer las cosas específica y diferenciada, es decir, una cultura propia. Lo que conforma nuestra cultura y su engarce con la actuación concreta que se recoge en los Planes Estratégicos, responde al siguiente esquema:
 Principios Básicos
Constituyen el punto de arranque de toda la construcción ideológica y se nutren de la experiencia propia decantada por el transcurso de los años y de otras ajenas de cuya familia se forma parte, como es la del cooperativismo universal. Todo ello da como resultado el que se puedan encontrar elementos comunes con otras realidades cooperativas, pero también especificidades que dotan a MCC de una personalidad diferenciada.
Son los siguientes:
1. Libre adhesión
2. Organización democrática
3. Soberanía del trabajo
4. Carácter instrumental y subordinado del capital
5. Participación en la gestión
6. Solidaridad retributiva
7. Intercooperación
8. Transformación Social
9. Carácter universal
10. Educación
Libre adhesión A través de este principio se declara la igualdad entre las personas, independientemente de la religión, raza, sexo, política o procedencia. Los únicos criterios para la adscripción serán por tanto la idoneidad profesional y la aceptación de las regulaciones existentes. Organización democrática Todos los socios son iguales en derechos lo que conduce a una organización democrática en la que la regla de oro es: una persona un voto. El voto tiene el mismo valor sea cual fuere la antigüedad, el puesto ocupado, la categoría profesional, el capital acumulado, etc., de quien lo emita. Soberanía del trabajo El trabajo goza de plena soberanía en la organización de la empresa cooperativa, ya que se considera como el principal agente transformador de la naturaleza, de la sociedad y del mismo ser humano. Por su naturaleza, el trabajo es el principal acreedor de la riqueza generada, lo que da lugar a un modelo de distribución coherente con el principio. Dada la importancia que se concede al trabajo, se manifiesta la voluntad de ampliar las opciones de trabajo a todos los miembros de la sociedad. Carácter instrumental y subordinado del capital Se reconoce el valor del capital, considerándolo necesario para el desarrollo empresarial, pero siempre como un instrumento subordinado al trabajo.
El capital tendrá una remuneración justa, adecuada para captar los recursos necesarios, limitada en su cuantía y sin que se halle directamente vinculada a los resultados obtenidos. La aportación de capital, en cualquiera de sus fórmulas, no otorga derecho alguno a participar en la gestión. Participación en la gestión El carácter democrático de la cooperativa no se agota en el terreno societario, antes al contrario, la condición societaria exige la participación de los socios en la gestión empresarial. El desarrollo de cauces adecuados para la participación demanda el replanteamiento de los esquemas tradicionales de organización, la formación social y profesional de los socios, la transparencia informativa y la promoción interna. Solidaridad retributiva La retribución debe ser suficiente, homologable con la de los trabajadores asalariados del entorno sectorial y acorde con las posibilidades reales de la cooperativa. Debe responder a un marco solidario en el ámbito interno, lo que se refleja en un abanico más reducido que el existente en el mercado. También en el conjunto de la Corporación existirá un criterio solidario en la retribución al trabajo y en el horario anual. Intercooperación Es otra expresión concreta de solidaridad que además se manifiesta como un requisito básico de eficacia empresarial. Un primer nivel es el de la cooperación entre cooperativas, constituyendo agrupaciones con ordenaciones socio-laborales homogéneas, incluidas la reconversión de resultados, la transferencia de socios trabajadores y el desarrollo de las sinergias potenciales derivadas de la actuación conjunta. Los siguientes niveles de intercooperación se manifiestan en la constitución entre Agrupaciones, en beneficio común, de entidades y órganos de supraestructura, y la colaboración de MCC con otras organizaciones cooperativas vascas, españolas, europeas y del resto del mundo, realizando acuerdos que contribuyan al desarrollo común.

Transformación social Se desea contribuir a la transformación social solidaria con la de otros pueblos, desde nuestro marco concreto, en la búsqueda de una sociedad más libre, justa y solidaria. La reinversión de una parte mayoritaria de los resultados obtenidos, el apoyo a otras iniciativas de desarrollo comunitario, la cooperación con otras instituciones vascas de carácter económico y social, el apoyo a la cultura y una política de seguridad social basada en la solidaridad y la responsabilidad, son fórmulas de contribuir al progreso de la sociedad. Carácter universal El arraigo en lo local es cohonestable con la vocación universal, en solidaridad con todos los que trabajan por la democracia económica en el ámbito de la “Economía Social” asumiendo los objetivos de Paz, Justicia y Desarrollo propios del cooperativismo internacional. Educación El desarrollo de los principios anteriores sólo será posible si se otorga una atención preferente a la educación, dedicándole los recursos humanos y económicos necesarios, tanto en el área cooperativa como profesional. Especial dedicación deberá prestarse a la juventud, semillero de cooperadores necesarios para consolidar y desarrollar la Experiencia en el futuro.
Misión
Como segundo eslabón constituyente de la Estructuración Estratégica, la Misión sintetiza los objetivos de orden superior, traduciendo la abstracción de los Principios a un proyecto más tangible que hace avanzar la organización y centra los esfuerzos. Mondragón Corporación Cooperativa es una realidad socioeconómica de carácter empresarial, con hondas raíces culturales en el País Vasco, creada por y para las personas, inspirada en los Principios Básicos de nuestra Experiencia Cooperativa, comprometida con el entorno, la mejora competitiva y la satisfacción del cliente, para generar riqueza en la sociedad mediante el desarrollo empresarial y la creación de empleo que:  Se sustenta en compromisos de solidaridad y utiliza métodos democráticos para su organización y dirección.
 Impulsa la participación y la integración de las personas en la gestión, resultados y propiedad de sus empresas, que desarrollan un proyecto común armonizador del progreso social, empresarial y personal.
Promueve la formación e innovación desde el desarrollo de las capacidades humanas y tecnológicas.
Aplica un Modelo de Gestión propio para alcanzar posiciones de liderazgo y fomentar la Cooperación.
 Valores Corporativos
Son el núcleo de la cultura empresarial, aportando un sentido de dirección común a todas las personas y unas líneas directrices en la tarea diaria. Aquellos valores de los que se participa definen el carácter fundamental de la organización y crean un determinado sentido de identidad. En su formulación actual, aprobada en el último Congreso, celebrado en mayo del 99, se ha reducido su número a sólo cuatro, intentando facilitar de este modo su comunicabilidad, asunción y vivencia. COOPERACION “Propietarios y protagonistas”
PARTICIPACION “Compromiso en la gestión”
RESPONSABILIDAD SOCIAL “Distribución solidaria de la riqueza”
IINNOVACION “Renovación permanente”
Cooperación Como propietarios y protagonistas trabajamos en algo propio y consideramos la empresa como nuestra, vivimos sus avatares, sus problemas y sus triunfos como algo que depende de nosotros y nos afecta directa y personalmente. Nuestras organizaciones están diseñadas para dar cabida a nuestra realidad cooperativa y desarrollar nuestro Modelo de Gestión, posibilitando con ello la cohesión corporativa, la eficiencia y el dinamismo empresarial y la vertebración de un propósito compartido de ideas, objetivos, medios e intereses, que conforman nuestro “Proyecto Común”. Las necesidades de desarrollo y las aspiraciones de superación precisan revalorizar la iniciativa autónoma de las personas canalizándose hacia la cooperación en la gestión, conscientes de que el bien colectivo debe prevalecer sobre el individual. La formación de las personas que pertenecen a la empresa cooperativa debe ser potenciada, combinando la preparación profesional con la docencia de los Principios Básicos y Valores Cooperativos acuñados en nuestra Experiencia.
Los socios de trabajo desarrollarán sus potencialidades para ser expertos profesionales que reúnan conocimientos, experiencia, prudencia, seriedad y dedicación en la asunción de las responsabilidades de su puesto de trabajo. Con la incorporación de las personas a nuestras actividades se inicia un proceso de integración que debe ser programado y gestionado. Los retos individuales son el mejor instrumento de desarrollo personal y su superación la mejor medida de la capacidad profesional, que debe ser combinada con la transferencia interna de conocimientos y la coparticipación en la resolución de los problemas. La Corporación debe ser considerada como un conjunto de tal manera que el progreso de las partes autónomas que la integran redunde en el desarrollo global de la Corporación, siendo esta progresión a su vez generadora de valor para las empresas que la conforman. Para mejorar los logros de cada realidad empresarial es necesario practicar la cooperación, buscando constantes sinergias tanto en el seno de la Corporación como a través de colaboraciones con clientes, proveedores, competidores e instituciones sociales. Participación Las personas de MCC son la única garantía del éxito de nuestro proyecto corporativo y de nuestras empresas, por lo que nos basamos en su compromiso de participación e integración, ya que lo esencial del modelo socio-empresarial de las empresas de MCC, y a la vez su elemento diferenciador, es la participación de sus miembros en el capital, los resultados y la gestión. La participación en la construcción empresarial no es sólo un derecho sino una obligación y exigencia de compromiso mutuo. Permite encauzar los potenciales personales poniéndolos al servicio de los intereses comunes y acrecienta la satisfacción y el sentido de pertenencia de las personas. La consideración de la persona como agente partícipe sujeto a derechos y obligaciones no se agota en el ámbito societario, sino que debe extenderse a la organización del trabajo y a los procesos operativos, de modo que todos puedan aportar sus conocimientos y mejoras con carácter permanente. La participación que se asienta en la concepción del trabajador como persona responsable que interviene en la fijación y cumplimentación de los objetivos de la empresa, exige que las personas sean informadas y escuchadas. Nuestras personas se caracterizan por su potencial de desarrollo y creatividad, la capacidad de asumir responsabilidades y la disposición a comprometerse en la resolución de los problemas de la empresa. Los procesos democrático-institucionales derivados del carácter jurídico de cooperativa y de nuestra cultura deben mantenerse vivos y sirven como instrumentos de participación integradores de lo personal, social y empresarial.
La participación de los socios y de las personas que trabajan con nosotros, junto con la convergencia en los objetivos finalistas, permite una mayor permeabilidad de las iniciativas empresariales en toda la organización, lo que debe constituir una ventaja competitiva de carácter permanente. El desarrollo de la participación requiere estructuras organizativas flexibles que favorezcan un buen clima laboral, la gestión de los procesos interfuncionales, el trabajo en equipo y la formación y capacitación permanentes. Responsabilidad Social El trabajo no es sólo un medio de obtención de rentas sino que constituye una fuente de satisfacción de las necesidades de desarrollo personal y colectivo, por lo que los fines personales son compatibles con los de la empresa, y los de ésta con su compromiso social. La distribución interna de la riqueza creada debe primar los intereses colectivos como garantía de pervivencia de la empresa y expresión de solidaridad al renunciar a la posibilidad de mejora de los patrimonios individualizados. El alcance de nuestra actividad trasciende al núcleo de las personas que la protagonizamos, incidiendo de modo notable en el entorno más próximo, con cuya mejora nos sentimos solidarios así como con el desarrollo de nuestro pueblo. La mejora y respeto medioambientales constituyen otra faceta del compromiso social que exige hacer compatible el desarrollo empresarial con la protección del entorno. Las actividades del conocimiento y la divulgación de nuestra Experiencia Cooperativa pueden constituir un foco del que emane un contexto propicio para el desarrollo empresarial y social. La transmisión del saber hacer y los conocimientos acumulados, dentro y fuera de la Corporación, es una manera más de distribución solidaria de la riqueza. Innovación Actitud permanente de búsqueda de nuevas opciones en todos los ámbitos de actuación como condición necesaria para el progreso empresarial así como para responder más adecuadamente a las expectativas que generamos en la sociedad. Nuestros clientes y la sociedad en general valoran y perciben nuestras empresas a través de la calidad de las prestaciones de los productos y servicios que ofrecemos, lo que es la resultante del esfuerzo y conocimiento de nuestras personas, comprometidas con la innovación y la formación permanente. Debemos aceptar el cambio como algo necesario e imprescindible de la vida empresarial y, en consecuencia, empujar a nuestras organizaciones en la búsqueda y experimentación de nuevas soluciones.

La innovación es consustancial con nuestras empresas y constituye un verdadero reto potenciar un entorno que la favorezca y estimule, sabiendo que una de sus fuentes principales procede de los clientes si se sabe escucharles con atención. Nuestros centros universitarios y soportes educativos constituyen una expresión de la voluntad de invertir en capital humano y movilizar la inteligencia para generar equipos capaces de liderar nuestras actividades desde la innovación. Las actividades de formación estarán orientadas a adquirir técnicas de asimilación y generar hábitos de búsqueda de nuevos conocimientos, aceptando que “aprender a aprender” constituye un buen principio de adaptación y renovación permanente.
 Objetivos Básicos
Más cercanos al campo operativo, expresan las grandes claves de gestión o ámbitos donde la Corporación MCC en su conjunto y a través de las actividades pretende avanzar de manera significativa en el período planificado. Se hallan fuertemente arraigados y han servido de elemento vertebrador de las
          Reflexiones de autobús... (3)        
En el autobús...Tras un par de semanas de ausencia, recupero mis irreflexiones...
La culpa, como todo en esta vida, es de no haber dormido la siesta durante tanto tiempo.
(Si no duermo la siesta me duermo en el autobús... y dormido no me salen esta clase de pensamientos incoherentes)
Bueno, sin más, os dejo con las irreflexiones de esta última semana (un tanto anticatólicas, lo siento) en la que he vuelto a dormir la siesta:

Previsiones...
Los ultracatólicos son la caña con esto de las previsiones: algunos ya sabían, tres días antes, que iban a asistir dos millones de personas a las manifestaciones en contra de la LOE.
Pero es que además, los organizadores también sabían de antemano que las negociaciones con Zapatero iban a ser todo un fracaso. Qué palo habrá sido el tener que dar la rueda de prensa tras la reunión y reconocer que no les había ido tan mal.
Pero ellos, de talante, saben también demasiado (para destruir algo antes hay que conocerlo) y al de Zapatero lo tienen ya muy calado.

La dictadura del relativismo...
Es viejo, pero es un pensamiento recurrente. Tampoco sé de quién es la expresión, pero a mí me la hizo llegar el nuevo Papa, causándome mucha gracia.
Cómo se puede hablar de dictadura de un pensamiento que no impone su tésis más que para imponer el multilateralismo?? (uy, que me pierdo con las palabras)
Es que me parece un concepto totalmente ilógico... un hombre puede imponer sus ideas totalitarias, autoritarias (e incluso democráticas, por qué no), pero no puede imponer sus ideas relativistas, porque por definición, las ideas relativistas deben aceptar todo tipo de opiniones.
La dictadura de la que estamos saliendo por fin es la del cíclope, la de ver las cosas sólo desde la perspectiva monocular de quien manda... y eso le duele a uno de los principales líderes de opinión, claro.

El abrigo...
Yo no soy un friolero, lo que soy es un radical:
El año pasado me pasé todo el invierno sin abrigo (2 veces lo llevaría a clase) y este año estoy llevándolo incluso cuando no hace frío. Y es que me fijaba el otro día en la temperatura y me asustaba porque yo, el invierno pasado, salía de casa con 5 o 6 grados bajo cero cuando ahora llevo las manos dentro del abrigo con 15 o hasta 20 grados (sobre cero).
Al final he decidido que hay que volver a las viejas costumbres.

          Helfer and Reichman co-author book to help governments implement new treaty expanding access to accessible materials for the visually impaired        

Professors Laurence Helfer and Jerome Reichman have co-authored a forthcoming guide to a new international treaty that seeks to expand access to books and other copyrighted works for people with visual disabilities.

The Marrakesh Treaty to Facilitate Access to Published Works for Persons Who Are Blind, Visually Impaired or Otherwise Print Disabled, adopted by fifty-one countries in 2013, went into effect on Sept. 30, 2016. The World Blind Union Guide to the Marrakesh Treaty will be published by Oxford University Press in March 2017. A discussion of the book by the authors will be held at Duke Law on April 3, 2017.

Helfer and Reichman partnered with Ruth Okediji of the University of Minnesota and Molly Land of the University of Connecticut – also experts on international intellectual property (IP) and human rights – to prepare the guide at the request of the World Blind Union (WBU). The authors’ goal, said Helfer, the Harry R. Chadwick, Sr. Professor of Law, is to help governments understand the treaty and the options available to them for implementing it in ways that enhance the availability and dissemination of copyrighted materials in accessible formats.

The Marrakesh Treaty, intended to encourage the creation, sharing and cross-border transfers of accessible-format materials for visually impaired persons, is the first international agreement that sits at the intersection of human rights and IP law. The treaty draws upon principles in both legal fields and engages with both Reichman’s and Helfer’s prior scholarship, as well as the writings of their coauthors.

Reichman, the Bunyan S. Womble Professor of Law, is the co-author of Governing Digitally Integrated Genetic Resources, Data, and Literature: Global Intellectual Property Strategies for a Redesigned Microbial Research Commons (Cambridge University Press, 2016), Using Intellectual Property Rights To Stimulate Pharmaceutical Production In Developing Countries A Reference Guide (United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, 2011), and editor of International Public Goods and Transfer of Technology Under a Globalized Intellectual Property Regime (Cambridge University Press, 2005), among many other works on international intellectual property.

“Jerry Reichman is one of the pioneers of the field of the international intellectual property law. I am delighted to have worked with him on the WBU Guide. He lends enormous credibility to the project,” said Helfer.

According to Reichman, “The Marrakesh Treaty is a watershed multilateral convention that builds upon longstanding exceptions to copyright for the blind in many countries. It requires all nations to adopt these exceptions and to facilitate the exchange accessible-format works among its member states.”

Helfer, the co-author of Transplanting International Courts: The Law and Politics of the Andean Tribunal of Justice (Oxford University Press, 2017), Human rights and Intellectual Property: Mapping the Global Interface (Cambridge University Press, 2011), and editor of Intellectual Property and Human Rights (Edward Elgar, 2013), explained how the WBU Guide draws upon his expertise in two legal fields. “I have written about different approaches to the relationship between human rights and IP and whether the two regimes could coexist. But the idea that an international agreement could advance human rights using the tools of copyright law is a novel way to reconcile both sets of legal rules,” he said.

Helfer anticipated that implementation could be challenging for the densely worded international agreement, which is administered by the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO), even though the treaty was ratified relatively quickly by governments. “Without a balanced guide to implementation, there was a risk that publishers would push to construe the treaty narrowly, crowding out the views of human and disability rights organizations in discussions among government officials about how to bring it into effect domestically,” he said.

The WBU Guide highlights how a human rights-focused approach to the Marrakesh Treaty enables governments and disability rights groups in developed nations to improve the lives of visually impaired populations in the developing world. “Take a country such as Cameroon, which is francophone, and which has a small amount of copyrighted works available to people with visual disabilities,” Helfer said. “If France and Cameroon can freely exchange accessible-format books and cultural materials, ability of print-disabled people in Cameroon to access these works expands exponentially almost overnight. Now imagine the same thing happening across francophone and anglophone Africa and among Spanish speaking countries in Latin America and you see why the treaty is a really big deal.”

Helfer said he hopes that the Marrakesh Treaty’s innovative approach will be a template for future international agreements. “Previously, there were two types of treaties at the intersection of these fields: IP treaties that view human rights as exceptions to economic interests of IP owners, and human rights agreements, which take the opposite approach, namely, that human rights are fundamental and any exceptions, including for IP protection, need to be narrow and carefully justified. Using the legal and policy tools of IP law to forge an agreement that enhances human rights goals is a new and promising approach.”

Cover Image: “Books” by Lee Milby. Oil on canvas. Year of creation: 2012
Publication Date Window: 
Friday, February 17, 2017 to Friday, March 17, 2017
Faculty tags: 
          A Solution From Hell        

The following essay is excerpted from the latest issue of n+1 magazine. It is available online only in Slate. To read the complete version, click here to purchase n+1 in print.

The current age is uncommonly preoccupied with human rights. The story of how we got here can be traced from various points, whether from the Enlightenment and its great American spokesman Thomas Jefferson, or from the interventions and non-interventions following the European upheavals of 1848, or from the founding of the United Nations after World War II and the Holocaust, or from 1977, the year when post-'60s dismay, Jimmy Carter, and the Cold War intersected to place a commitment to "human rights" at the center of Western consciousness. Whichever way, for whatever reason, or for half a dozen reasons, human rights have at least rhetorically come to the fore of American and European foreign policy, with the result that it is now possible for the U.S. to wage war for humanitarian purposes in campaigns that seem otherwise irrelevant to the national interest. In this telling of the story of the "rights revolution," as the philosopher and Iraq war proponent Michael Ignatieff has called it, the end of the Cold War has opened up new vistas for the enforcement of human rights across the globe.

There is another way to tell the story, however. In this telling, the march of rights took a wrong turn as early as 1948, when the U.N. adopted its Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The U.N. Charter had established state sovereignty as the basis for international law. This meant that weaker states would be protected against stronger states by the international community—and for all its flaws, the U.N. was instrumental in helping postwar, post-colonial states get on their feet. At the same time, the Universal Declaration promoted the principle of human rights in general, independent of sovereignty. Writing in the wake of World War II and the founding of the U.N., Hannah Arendt in The Origins of Totalitarianism echoed Edmund Burke's famous critique of the French revolutionaries' Declaration of the Rights of Man. "The calamity of the rightless," wrote Arendt, "is not that they are deprived of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, or of equality before the law and freedom of opinion—formulas which were designed to solve problems within given communities—but that they no longer belong to any community whatsoever. Their plight is not that they are not equal before the law, but that no law exists for them." Surveying the history of refugees and other stateless people over the prior 30 years, Arendt found that "not only did the loss of national rights in all instances entail the loss of human rights; the restoration of human rights, as the recent example of the State of Israel proves, has been achieved so far only through the restoration of national rights." There could be no rights without belonging to a sovereign jurisdiction; the U.N., by enshrining sovereignty on the one hand and "universal rights" on the other, had tried to solve the problems revealed in the interwar period, but ended up simply restating them.

The contradiction in the U.N. founding documents between inviolable human rights and inviolable state sovereignty remained essentially obscured throughout the Cold War, when neither the Americans nor the Soviets could seriously claim to believe in either. Even when the U.S. championed human rights under Carter, it retained its priorities: Forced to choose between socialists (or just serious land reformers) and human rights abusers, the U.S. always sided with the abusers. Suddenly in 1991, the choice became unnecessary. You no longer had to decide between leftists and rightists, since everywhere you looked there were only capitalists. And by the end of the Cold War, aerial weapons systems had advanced to the point where the military could conduct basically gratuitous wars, with little risk to soldiers' lives, at comparatively low cost—and without raining explosives indiscriminately on foreign populations. The new precision-guided weaponry offered the hope of truly distinguishing the good guys from the bad guys, as long as they stayed far enough apart.

In the '90s, the language of human rights came into its own. The people of Kuwait, when a U.S.-led, U.N.-approved coalition drove Iraq out of their country, were the citizens of a sovereign state invaded by Saddam Hussein—but not so the Iraqi Kurds, who were Saddam's own citizens when he invaded their lands. Nevertheless the U.S., Britain, and France established a no-fly zone to protect the Iraqi Kurds from their internationally recognized head of state. Likewise, the Tutsis of Rwanda and the Albanians in Yugoslav Kosovo were victims of the state in which they lived, and their rights, insofar as they had any, could only be defended by an international community. In one case those rights were defended, in the other they were not. What were the U.S.'s principles, and what was its practice, when it came to human rights? Neither seemed clear, and the debate about them was equally confusing and confused.

The only people who seemed consistent about intervention were too far right or left to get much of a hearing. Throughout the 1990s, the right opposed intervention from a "realist" perspective, arguing that it was not in the national interest to go on humanitarian adventures abroad. The left, which was in the process of forming a powerful movement against the "structural adjustment" policies of the giant international financial institutions, and also promoting a humane globalization (carelessly labeled "anti-globalization" by the mainstream press), opposed the interventions on anti-imperialist grounds. In the end, neither view had much effect, as a strong hawkish core emerged: Bob Dole, the Republican leader in the Senate and 1996 presidential candidate, was a strong proponent of intervention in Bosnia; so too, eventually, was Bill Clinton. Among respectable pundits, the right-leaning hawks were neoconservative, the left-leaning hawks neoliberal. If there was a real distinction it was in their attitudes toward international institutions like the U.N. Neoconservatives loathed the U.N.; neoliberals liked it. But it was the Kosovo intervention, which most egregiously circumvented international institutions (in the name of a good cause), that was the final Clinton intervention. Thus at the end of the '90s neoconservatives and neoliberals had reached the same place, disdainful of seeking "multilateral" permission for their wars.

Perhaps the liberals would soon have returned to their more traditional interest in international institutions; perhaps the conservatives would have gotten out of the human rights business altogether; perhaps not. In any case the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11 altered—or scrambled—people's thinking. The next American war was an unusual operation: a mission to overthrow a government (the Taliban) that almost nobody recognized as legitimate, in order to deprive a belligerent non-state actor (al-Qaida) of a staging ground. Realists on the left—few remained on the right—argued for a narrowly defined police action to root out al-Qaida. Supporters of all-out war, soon the only respectable position, invoked the liberation of Afghan women as a bonus legitimation. And a year and a half later came Iraq. The war was sold to the public under many pretexts, but for liberal hawks the dominant reason to invade was Saddam Hussein's former crimes (and potential future crimes) against his people. There was no question that from a humanitarian perspective a world without Saddam would be a better world. And we were going to take him out.

In retrospect, it's easy to see that the argument over humanitarian intervention that should have taken place in the years after Kosovo was replaced and muddled by an argument over the Bush doctrine of pre-emptive war. In 2000–01, a high-powered international commission convened to discuss what the international community should do in the event of a human rights crisis in a failing state; one of their recommendations was that the concept of "humanitarian intervention" be scrapped, as being needlessly prejudicial (like "pro-life"), and replaced with the more capacious, less necessarily violent "responsibility to protect." The group's report was humane and intelligent, though not without problems; it was also presented before the U.N. Security Council in December 2001, at which point it had been "OBE," as they say in Washington—overtaken by events. The same happened with Samantha Power's "A Problem From Hell": America and the Age of Genocide, the summa theologica of liberal interventionist historiography, which was published in 2002. The book immediately became part of the debate over Iraq, with George W. Bush famously scribbling NOMW ("not on my watch") in a memo outlining its arguments. Not long after, he launched Operation Iraqi Freedom.

The argument over pre-emptive war was decided, resoundingly, against, though not because Stephen Holmes wrote essays in the London Review of Books or Jacques Rancière contributed an elegant elaboration of Hannah Arendt's argument about rights in the South Atlantic Quarterly (subscription required). The argument was decided by the 126,000 or so Iraqis killed during the U.S. invasion and in the civil war that followed. No one will be invading a terrible but stable regime to hang its leader anytime soon; at least we won't. Now, in 2011, we are bringing the troops gradually home from Afghanistan and Iraq, the results mixed. Neither war was waged for human rights, and it seems clear that humanitarianism shouldn't have been part of the discussion, not in the way it was. How humanitarian is it to unleash one civil war and reignite another?

In Libya, we find ourselves faced with a more classic, '90s-style intervention. The background could not be more stark: A courageous rebellion against a brutal and unbalanced 40-year dictatorship was inspired by the nearby uprisings in Egypt and Tunisia. Unlike the dictators of those countries, Muammar Qaddafi gave no thought to stepping down. The rebels armed themselves and began to march toward Tripoli, capturing several towns on the way. They carried Kalashnikovs and RPGs. Qaddafi's days were numbered! But his army had jets, and tanks, and heavy artillery. Once it began a counteroffensive, the rebels proved powerless. They retreated and retreated, until Qaddafi's forces reached the outskirts of Benghazi, the largest city in the Libyan east and the heart of the rebellion. Qaddafi took to the radio. "It's over," he told the rebels. "We are coming tonight. Prepare yourselves. We will find you in your closets. We will show no mercy and no pity." People on the ground began to predict the massacre of Benghazi. They even used the word genocide, if only to disclaim it: "Not a slaughter amounting to genocide," clarified the New York Review of Books, "but almost certainly a bloodbath." (And what was the exact word these exquisite splitters of hairs had in mind for the killing resulting from NATO bombardment?) TheNew Yorker's understated Jon Lee Anderson was in Benghazi as Qaddafi's army approached. He had been watching the hapless rebels for weeks, growing increasingly alarmed at their inadequate arms and training. Now artillery could be heard on the edge of town; in the city's lone functioning Internet cafe the young people updated their Facebook profiles. Social media weren't going to help them now. "The war was finally coming to Benghazi," Anderson wrote.

And then it didn't. NATO jets swooped in, forcing Qaddafi's army back. Benghazi was saved. Nor was it a unilateral mission. The Arab League had sought the intervention; none other than Lebanon, home of Hezbollah (still furious at Qaddafi for the "disappearing" of a Lebanese Shiite chief in the late '70s), sponsored the resolution in the U.N. Security Council. The White House had the finesse to "lead from behind," as they put it. And the rebels, having taken several cities in the first weeks of the uprising, had established what international law calls "belligerent rights"—they were a force that could claim some legitimacy both inside and outside the country. Many of the arguments that should have given pause to American policymakers before the Iraq war, and to some extent during the Kosovo bombing, were moot here. This intervention was U.N.-approved, and seemed to emerge from a genuine concern for the casualties that would have ensued had Qaddafi's forces been allowed to proceed into Benghazi. (A more realpolitik consideration was to place the U.S., belatedly, on the side of the Arab Spring; we would be less resented as the old enabler of Mubarak if we were also the newfoe of Qaddafi.) Ryan Lizza's New Yorker article describing the days leading up to Obama's decision for war singled out Samantha Power, senior director for multilateral affairs on Obama's National Security Council, as one of the motors for the intervention. America was finally choosing values over money.

And yet somehow it gave one a toothache—like the toothache Vronsky had at the end of Anna Karenina, when he went off to Belgrade to humanitarianly aid the Orthodox Christians in their uprising against the Turks. Wars waged by the U.S. are inevitably imperialist; that is part of the toothache. But are they also irredeemably so? Can the local good—the protection of these people or that city—never outweigh the global problem that human rights are, at best, invoked inconsistently and hypocritically, and at worst to excuse any and every war? Humanitarian warfare, clearly bad in principle, often looks good from the standpoint of a particular people at a particular moment, when they are threatened with death. And so the temperamental opponent of intervention can come to feel that while in general he opposes this kind of thing, well, in this case he guesses he supports it—and in that case too, and the next one. He can come to feel like somebody who has principles only for the sake of suspending them. This was the real cause of the toothache—it was déjà vu all over again. In general, you reject humanitarian war—but have you ever met one you didn't initially like? For liberals or leftists who neither automatically support nor automatically oppose all interventions, the Libya war has prompted something paradoxical: mixed feelings in especially pure form. Here the humanitarian motive for intervening has seemed more genuine and decisive than in any prior case. And the chances of doing real good looked favorable. Yet we've got to stop doing these things!

What has been the result? NATO almost immediately expanded the concept of "civilian protection" granted in the U.N. resolution to include regime change—what safety could there be for the rebels if Qaddafi stayed in power? Again, it was hard to argue: Qaddafi was a maniac and a murderer. But Qaddafi held on. One of his residences was bombed, killing a son and several grandchildren, and still he held on. The rebels, while increasing in number and confidence, did not suddenly transform themselves into a well-armed, well-trained fighting force, and militarily a stalemate ensued. Here we were again: An idea that on the face of it was reasonable, and in a certain way "humane," was leading to further deaths, further damage to a country's infrastructure, and a political situation in which the rebels, emboldened by the NATO jets (and, eventually, attack helicopters), refused to negotiate until Qaddafi was gone. Meanwhile the International Criminal Court, the pride and joy of the liberal interventionists, filed suit against Qaddafi for crimes against humanity, thereby putting him beyond the pale. How could you negotiate with someone with nothing to lose? So a nonmilitary solution to a conflict that, Obama said, would be a matter of "days, not weeks," is, as of this writing, further away than ever, even after five months of bombing.

All this could simply be regretted as a well-intentioned plan not working well enough. But that issue of abrogated sovereignty cuts both ways—the American people are supposed to be sovereign, too. The Obama White House's attitude in this has been telling. Not only has Obama failed to seek congressional approval; his lawyers filed a laughable legal brief that argued that America was not even at war. As congressional Republicans correctly pointed out, the administration could not be serious! What could explain this fealty to the letter of international law, and utter contempt for the president's duty to get his wars through Congress?

The answer, it seems to us, can be found in the work of the humanitarian hawks; they have turned the world into a morality play, a ceaseless battle of good versus evil. In Power and the Idealists, his ambivalent farewell to the moralism of the generation of 1968, Paul Berman traced this worldview to the 1960s student left. Born too late to fight Nazis the way their parents did, idealistic young leftists in the prosperous countries of the West looked for Nazis where they could: in university administrations, in American carpet bombers, in the colonialist Israeli state. Even as they grew older and wiser, the hunt for Nazis continued, and continued; in 1999, it led them into Kosovo, and in 2003 it led some of them into the catastrophic invasion of Iraq. Berman was the most perceptive analyst of the humanitarian hawk mindset; Samantha Power was its most compelling exemplar. There are only three kinds of people in her A Problem From Hell: evildoers (Hitler, Pol Pot, Milosevic); saints (Raphael Lemkin, Jan Karski, George McGovern, Peter Galbraith); and cowards (everyone else). You're either with Power or with Pol Pot. The word evil is sprinkled liberally throughout the text (35 appearances), as are slaughter (65), mass murder (25), bloodbath (13), and massacre (99). The function of these words—as well as the word genocide, to whose propagation the book is partly devoted—is to place the evil people beyond the pale of politics, of negotiation, of human intercourse. Would you shake hands with a mass murderer? With the invocation of the word genocide, we move into some other sphere of human relations. Thought, strategy, negotiation shut down; there is only right and wrong, only fight or flight. Which is precisely, in fact, the point.

A politics this morally coercive may explain why a president who is a former law professor, and who came to power with the mandate to restore the rule of law, would so brazenly ignore the Constitution. But a politics this morally coercive is not a politics at all.

What has happened to human rights in the last 20 years is a hijacking, of the sort Napoleon managed with the Declaration of the Rights of Man when he turned Europe into a bloodbath, as Power would put it, under its banner. The search around the globe for genocides to eradicate is the ultimate rights perversion, for it reduces human rights to the right not to be brutally murdered in a particular way that fits the definition of genocide given in the Genocide Convention. This cannot be anyone's idea of a robust human rights. If human rights are to be reclaimed they need first of all to be restored to the realm of politics. Not the realm of morality, which is always and ever a discussion of good versus evil, but politics, a discussion and argument over competing legitimate aims—e.g., the aim of honoring sovereignty and not waging war, versus the aim of protecting the defenseless and ensuring their rights. Morally, it would clearly be better to be a democracy liberated by George W. Bush than a tyranny under Saddam Hussein. Politically, it may be better to bide your time under Saddam than be plunged into a civil war that will kill 100,000 or twice that many. A political rather than moral discussion of human rights might even lead us to acknowledge that a mass murderer like Muammar Qaddafi or George W. Bush has a legitimate constituency whose rights must also be kept in mind.

Meantime the historical record grows long enough for us to ask: Has there ever been a truly successful, truly humanitarian humanitarian intervention? Not of the Vietnamese in Cambodia, who deposed the Khmer Rouge for their own reasons (the Khmer kept crossing the border, and also murdered their entire Vietnamese population), and then replaced them with Hun Sen, who has been ruling Cambodia with an iron fist for more than 30 years. Not the Indian intervention in Bangladesh, under whose cover the Indian government arrested all student protesters in India. And not NATO in Kosovo, which, while it stopped Milosevic and ensured the safety of Kosovo, could not make it a viable state (it is now a failing state likely to be swallowed by Albania), and also led to the ethnic cleansing of the Serb population. Too bad for the Serbs, to be sure; but the creation of a safe space for the expulsion of a civilian population cannot be what anyone had in mind when they launched the planes. That there has never been a successful humanitarian intervention does not mean that there cannot be one in the future. But the evidence is piling up.


          After Trump Killed TPP, is Japan-EU FTA Imminent?        
EU Trade Commissioner Cecilia Malmstrom and Japanese Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida may have an FTA soon.
Given its recent efforts to join the ill-fated Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), Japan actually has an effective grand total of zero [0] FTAs involving more than one country. Yes, it does have one with ASEAN, but it's actually on top of a series of bilateral "economic partnership agreements" with each Southeast Asian member country (except for later accession countries Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar). TPP was to be Japan's first real foray into a plutilateral FTA, but Trump put paid to that.

Yet, emboldened by its adventure negotiating TPP and wanting more than the status quo, Japan is contemplating a deal with the EU. In fact, it may be inked as soon as tomorrow at a Japan-EU summit prior to the Hamburg G-20 gathering on Friday. The largest bugaboo with Japan and multilateral deals has always been agriculture. Why does Japan have so many bilateral deals with ASEAN member countries? It was largely to devise agricultural protections specific to each trading partner.

What's interesting about the mooted Japan-EU FTA are twofold: Once more, it would be Japan's first honest-to-goodness plutilateral FTA. Second, this deal would involve another entity known for agricultural protectionism in the EU. Is the latter an insurmountable obstacle? We will soon find out...
The European Union and Japan expect to commit to signing a free trade deal on Thursday, the EU said, in what both see as a push back against a feared U.S. turn toward protectionism under President Donald Trump.
Confirming on Tuesday that Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe would meet heads of EU institutions in Brussels on the eve of a G20 summit with Trump and other world leaders in Germany, the European Council said: "Leaders are expected to announce a political agreement on the EU-Japan free trade agreement."
That would be short of a final accord ironing out all the commercial intricacies between two of the world's biggest economies and EU officials said on Tuesday that some key issues still needed to be settled before Thursday's EU-Japan summit.

However, confirming Abe's attendance is a sign of confidence that a deal will be ready for his signature and also puts pressure on trade negotiators to secure at least outline agreements on opening up each other's markets, including in the trickiest areas such as Japanese cars and European farm produce.
This Eurasian activity contrasts with the proclivities of a certain American stinker:
Both sides, having seen Trump pull back from free trade relationships, are keen to show they remain committed to removing barriers they say hamper growth.

"It is important for us to wave the flag of free trade in response to global moves toward protectionism by quickly concluding the free trade agreement with Europe," Abe told ministers at a meeting on Tuesday about the EU negotiations.

"This agreement is also important for our growth strategy. We will negotiate with all our energy until the very end to achieve the best deal for Japan."

Abe will meet European Council President Donald Tusk, who speaks for the 28 EU national leaders, and European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker, the bloc's executive head.

Juncker's Trade Commissioner Cecilia Malmstrom was in Japan at the weekend and said after her talks that she was "quite confident" that a broad agreement could be announced on Thursday. EU officials had said that Abe would only visit Brussels if both sides were certain that the political agreement would be signed.

Malmstrom said: "You can do good, fair, transparent and sustainable trade agreements where you win and I win, and not the American view, which seems to be, 'You lose and I win'."
Abe, Tusk and Juncker will go on to Hamburg on Friday for the G20 summit
Take that, Trumpie! Europeans and Japanese do not take the trade realm as a winner-takes-all arena. As I mentioned, agriculture has been a sticking point for the Japanese negotiators:
European officials have been pushing for a reduction in Japanese tariffs on cheese and agriculture imports that are as high as 30 percent in return for phasing out tariffs on Japanese autos and auto parts.

This tradeoff initially met strong resistance, because some politicians want to protect Japan's dwindling dairy industry. However, Malmstrom expressed confidence that both sides have overcome this problem and can reach a deal.

"We've made meaningful progress, but there are still important points remaining," Kishida told reporters.
Some perspective is useful here. Actually, the Japan-EU deal has been under negotiation for nearly half a decade. My guess is that Trumpism was a spur to it. While the US has begun looking inward, many other countries still see free trade as beneficial. Although there are of course longstanding sticking points like the ever-bothersome agriculture, those committed will find a way to work around such obstacles. In order not to foster a wider climate of protectionism, some gesture was necessary.

So, here we are. By contrast, the Trump administration may announce steel tariffs hitting several G-20 countries in time for the Hamburg meeting. Same gathering; entirely different messages.
          Trump Supposedly [Hearts] an FTA...With Europe        
Most nations have an inferiority complex relative to Germany. Why should the US be any different?
Has the maximally unpredictable Donald Trump, who you'd think sees any sort of multilateral FTA as a giveaway to foreigners (who steal jobs through unfair trade practices), changed his mind? Remember, this guy actually kept one of few campaign vows in extricating the US from the Trans-Pacific Partnership enlargement negotiations. However, a brace of news reports now suggest that he is willing to negotiate an FTA...with the European Union.

Yes, that very same EU he encourages its members to leave from the UK to France he now wants his country to sign a trade deal with if reports are to be believed. The way the current story goes, Trump originally wanted an FTA with Germany during Chancellor Merkel's recent trip to Washington, DC. However, she rebuffed him by saying that any US-Germany deal must involve the whole EU. (Being an A1-ignoramus, Trump likely does not recognize that trade deals negotiations involving EU members have been assigned to the European Commission.) To this Trump supposedly said he will consider it.

What's more, Trump is said to be putting the EU next in the queue ahead of the UK European Union leavers:
A source close to the White House was quoted as saying that there had been a "realisation" in the Trump administration that a trade deal with the EU - allowing the tariff-free exchange of goods and services - was more important to U.S. interests than a post-Brexit deal with Britain.


"Ten times Trump asked her (Merkel) if he could negotiate a trade deal with Germany," the newspaper quoted a senior German politician as saying.

"Every time she replied, 'You can't do a trade deal with Germany, only the EU'," the politician said. "On the eleventh refusal, Trump finally got the message, 'Oh, we'll do a deal with Europe then.'"
Trump, who has repeatedly criticised the EU, had welcomed Britain's 2016 vote to leave the bloc and said he would work hard to get a quick bilateral trade deal done.
But wait, it gets more interesting. Chancellor Merkel is tacitly going along with this version of events by encouraging it to play out:
German Chancellor Angela Merkel fueled expectations of a future EU-U.S trade deal on Sunday, saying she was "very encouraged" talks were being looked at after her recent trip to Washington.
Merkel, speaking at the opening of the 70th annual Hannover Messe trade fair, said Germany was opposed to protectionism and trade barriers, and would continue to work for trade agreements like the one signed between the European Union and Canada.

"I also feel very encouraged by my visit to the United States that negotiations between the EU and the United States on a free trade agreement ... are also being looked at," she said.
The inconsistency is puzzling but not unexpected since this is Trump after all: Being the unabashed white supremacist that he is, Trump likely thinks Germany and other Europeans come from "superior" racial stock worthy of signing an FTA with instead of Asians. So Germany runs a huge trade surplus with the US, but hey, they can better be trusted since they aren't coloreds! Plus, Germany today with its strong manufacturing base and export machine is exactly the sort of country he wishes the United States was. Voila! As Dick Cheney would say, trade deficits don't matter in this case since enhanced German market access to the US may result in an even larger bilateral German trade surplus given Deutschland's already-elevated competitiveness. 

Another thing an EU-US FTA would be is multilateral instead of bilateral. Trump prefers bilateral deals since they would be easier to strong-arm the other party given the sheer economic might of the US. Plus, it's easier to extricate the US from deals involving just one other party instead of many by putting in many conditions regarding currency manipulation, export surges to the US and so forth.

I suppose that if even Trump doesn't know what Trump will do next that it's quite pointless to speculate what may happen. Still, even by his standards, going all-out on an FTA with the EU would alienate the racist/protectionist/isolationist elements who elected him. (They have many Muslims in Europe besides, right?)

I leave you with this food for thought: whereas the US Trade Representative's website has already declared the Trans-Pacific Partnership dead at the hands of Trump, the EU-US Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership negotiations are still described in detail there.
          The Grown-Ups Are Locked Out        

The few grown-ups in Trump’s Cabinet are getting sidelined, their expertise goes ignored, and the pledge that they could choose their own teams—an assurance they were given upon taking their jobs—lies in tatters. With each passing day, it seems clearer that this wreckage stems not from President Trump’s administrative sloppiness but from a deliberate strategy to concentrate power among his circle of confidants—and to strip power from all other quarters of the federal government.

Trump’s critics cheered when he named Lt. Gen. H.R. McMaster, one of the U.S. Army’s smartest and most insistent officers, as his national security adviser after Michael Flynn was forced out in scandal. Trump assured McMaster that he could clean house at the National Security Council—a promise that many assumed meant the imminent ouster of K.T. McFarland, a Fox News commentator that Trump had made deputy national security adviser, and the dismantlement of a parallel NSC structure set up by White House political strategist Steve Bannon. But three weeks after McMaster’s installment, there are few signs that either of these things are happening.* And just last Friday, McMaster tried to remove Ezra Cohen-Watnick, a 30-year-old Flynn acolyte, from the post of NSC intelligence director—and was overruled by Bannon and Jared Kushner, Trump’s son-in-law.

Across the Potomac, in the Pentagon, Secretary of Defense James Mattis had to withdraw his choice for undersecretary for policy after meeting disapproval from the same duo. (The official story was that a few senators would have opposed her nomination, but their concerns could easily have been overcome.) Mattis has been fuming since the inauguration over White House attempts to stack his deck with political hacks—and over repeated rejections of his own choices.

Remarkably, Trump has not nominated a single second- or third-tier official in the Defense Department. Obama’s deputy secretary of defense, Robert Work, agreed to stay on until a replacement was found. But all of the under- and assistant secretaries left on Inauguration Day—some by choice, others at the insistence of the White House—and the people sitting in their chairs in an “acting” capacity are very junior with no authority to speak for the Trump administration.

The State Department is an even more hollow shell. As with the Pentagon, Trump hasn’t nominated a single deputy, under-, or assistant secretary. Rex Tillerson’s choice for deputy, Elliott Abrams, a former Bush White House official, was rejected by Trump after he learned that Abrams had criticized him during the election. And so Tillerson roams the globe alone, accompanied neither by the press corps nor by a Trump-approved entourage, assuring allies that the United States is still committed to their security. Meanwhile, Trump meets with foreign leaders in the White House or at his Florida resort accompanied by Bannon, Kushner, and sometimes a few others, but not by Tillerson or anyone else from Foggy Bottom (a nickname that has never been more apt).

What can the grown-ups do about this? Not much. Mattis has exerted his leverage on at least two occasions. The first came early on, when he avidly opposed a draft executive order that would have resumed CIA operations at “black” detention sites and reopened the debate over torture. (Mattis learned of the draft from newspaper reports.) Trump backed down, saying that he disagreed with Mattis, but would defer to him, on torture policy.

The second incident occurred more recently when Mattis delivered an ultimatum concerning Mira Ricardel, a Trump defense adviser, now at the Office of Presidential Personnel, who has been blocking Mattis’ picks. Either she goes or I go, Mattis told the White House, according to Wednesday’s issue of Defense News. The White House backed down, moving Ricardel to another position—for now.

Mattis figures he has considerable leverage. The Senate confirmed him, even though recently retired generals are barred by law from becoming secretary of defense unless both houses of Congress pass a waiver, precisely because he was viewed as a counterweight to Flynn and, ultimately, Trump. If Mattis were to resign, national security experts on Capitol Hill, in the think-tank world, and among U.S. allies would panic. However, someone in this position can threaten to resign only so often, and his leverage diminishes—he’s viewed as less and less of a team player—each time he puts his fate on the line.

McMaster is in a more awkward spot still. He gained fame 20 years ago as the author of a dissertation-turned-book that criticized the Joint Chiefs of Staff for failing to give their honest military advice to President Lyndon B. Johnson during the Vietnam War. McMaster was a mere major when he wrote that; it could have ended his career except that Gen. Hugh Shelton, the JCS chairman at the time of publication, liked the book and championed its author. McMaster built a solid warrior’s record in the decades since in both Iraq wars, but his wider reputation is based on his insistence that subordinates speak truth to power.

Yet, unlike some other generals who have taken the national security adviser job, McMaster held on to his stars: He is an active-duty three-star and so must view the president not only as the object of his advice but also as his commander-in-chief. As a result, he can only go so far—not as far as Mattis, who hung up his uniform three years ago—in challenging the president, much less in posing demands or ultimatums. (It was precisely for this reason that Lt. Gen. Brent Scowcroft retired from the military after President George H.W. Bush named him national security adviser: Scowcroft wanted to avoid the potential conflicting perspectives.)

Now, in a sense, Mattis and McMaster are trapped. Looking around, they’ve probably sensed that Team Trump is even more unhinged than they’d expected. On the one hand, their sense of integrity, combined with the betrayals and the chaos, might tempt them to resign. On the other hand, their sense of patriotism might compel them to stay: When some international crisis does occur, better that someone with a clear head is close to power.

Both Mattis and McMaster are in tight spots for another reason: Smart and skilled as they are, neither of them has ever held a powerful job in Washington. (Except for a brief spot on an informal “colonels’ council” to “think out of the box” on the Iraq war, McMaster has never worked in Washington at all.) They don’t know the ways of high-level bureaucratic politics. Outside of the Middle East, where they have spent most of their time in command positions, they’ve had little experience dealing with global politics or foreign policy. They need a strong second-tier of deputies and staff to help shape their positions on the issues and protect their flanks on the homefront. Right now, they have neither—and much of this is Trump’s deliberate doing.

When I wrote on Feb. 9, three weeks into his presidency, that Trump hadn’t yet nominated any officials below Cabinet secretaries, his inaction could be pegged to inexperience. Now, five weeks later, that’s no longer a plausible excuse. Trump has spent his entire life in a family business which he came to control, and he views his current job the same way: as a position of unbridled power, with that power to be delegated only to loyal friends and relatives. (A Tuesday New York Times story reveals just how deep this tendency goes. Trump’s point-man on Israeli–Palestinian talks, for instance, is his company’s longtime lawyer, whose only qualification for the job is that he vacations in Israel.)

Mattis, McMaster, and Tillerson don’t fit into this picture. Trump might have thought they did when he picked them. He’d heard that Mattis’ nickname, from his time in the Marines, was “Mad Dog.” Who knew that he carried around a copy of Marcus Aurelius’ Meditations in his rucksack during battles; that he owned a library of 6,000 volumes and regularly consulted them for lessons; and that he opposed torture, once telling Trump that he could get more out of a detainee with a pack of cigarettes and a couple of beers? Trump had heard that Tillerson was a great deal-maker at ExxonMobil. Who knew that he’d be so wedded to multilateral organizations like NATO?

We all hoped that Mattis, McMaster, and to some degree Tillerson would add a dash of sane, worldly wisdom to Trump’s unsteady narcissism. And maybe they still will. But Trump is a shrewd player of tight-knit power games. He seems to be rolling them more than they’re containing him.

*Update, March 15, 2017, 8:07 p.m. Eastern: Just after this column went to press, Politico announced (citing administration sources) that Dina Powell has been named deputy national security adviser for strategy. She will be working “alongside” K.T. McFarland, but it seems Powell—currently an economic adviser to Trump and a former Bush official who has developed a close working relationship with McMaster—will lead the interagency meetings of deputy Cabinet secretaries. So, good news for McMaster’s leverage. Will Bannon’s banishment from the NSC be next? (Return.)


          Mr. Unpredictable and Friends        

Judging from Donald Trump’s Cabinet picks, the president-elect’s foreign policy is likely to be in shambles—the product more of internecine squabbles (and who wins which ones) than of any thought-through strategy.

For this reason, many of his actual policies, or even the way they’re formed, are at this point unpredictable. Because his national security team seems ill-suited to settling squabbles, many decisions—probably more than the president-elect imagines—will have to be made by Trump himself. And because Trump has no grounding whatsoever in these sorts of issues, that makes the course of the coming years more unpredictable still.

Most administrations, especially in the beginning, are racked with internecine disputes, reflecting the institutional interests of the departments of State, Defense, Treasury, and so forth. But the likely disputes in the Trump administration will be rooted less in bureaucratic politics than in the strong personalities of the Cabinet secretaries, based on their well-rewarded life-experiences.

Trump’s secretaries have no allegiances to the departments they’ll be running. (His pick as secretary of state, Rex Tillerson, has contempt for the Foggy Bottom pinstripes who tried to block his grand schemes as Exxon Mobil’s CEO.) Global moguls, three- and four-star generals, hedge-fund billionaires—quite apart from their respective merits or lack thereof, these personality types are not accustomed to deference on matters in which they have strong interest or the slightest pretense of knowledge.

Tillerson has spent his adult life pursuing deals to explore, exploit, and expand oil-drilling sites. This has made him a skilled negotiator who knows many world leaders—good qualities for a nation’s top diplomat. But they also unavoidably skew his sense of what the top diplomat should do. This tension is already clouding his prospects for confirmation, as many senators wonder whether his imperatives at Exxon Mobil—where he fostered a close friendship with Vladimir Putin and bitter opposition to Russian sanctions after the annexation of Crimea and the invasion of eastern Ukraine—will infect his sense of the national interest or the international balance of power.

They may also conflict with Secretary of Defense James Mattis’ view of U.S. interests, especially if Tillerson’s (and Trump’s) lax attitude toward Russia’s geopolitical adventures pushes Putin to go farther, say, into the Baltics or deeper into Ukraine. Though Mattis spent much of his career as a Marine officer in the Middle East wars (culminating as the four-star general in charge of U.S. Central Command), he is also very well-read in history and politics and has firm views on America’s interest in maintaining global stability, an interest that further Russian expansion might put at risk.

Mattis is very hawkish on containing Iran’s regional expansionism, though not to the point of bombing or invading the country—or taking military action of nearly any sort, in distant lands, without allies fighting alongside. Tillerson’s views on these matters are unknown. Nor is much known about either man’s take on security politics in the Pacific. Trump’s national security adviser, retired Lt. Gen. Michael Flynn, is known to be very hawkish on Iran, distrustful of all Muslim powers (and indeed all Muslims), and not so averse to unilateral military action.

And we’re talking only about the most salient global hot spots. Subtler, everyday matters concerning Iran, Iraq, Syria, China, Afghanistan, Russia, and the European allies are mysteries—and by “everyday matters,” I mean matters that, in some cases, require actions or responses (in any case, decisions) every day.

Which leads, once again, to Flynn. The national security adviser is a member of the president’s staff, requiring no Senate confirmation and consulted, or not, as the president chooses. But the job’s one set role is to chair the principals meetings of the National Security Council. These are the meetings where relevant Cabinet secretaries (defense, state, treasury, etc.), intelligence-agency directors, and military chiefs of staff decide high-level national security policy—or lay out policy options for the president to accept or reject.

Quite aside from his other personality quirks (including a penchant for wild conspiracy theories), Flynn is not remotely cut out for this job. When he was director of the Defense Intelligence Agency, he told his staff (including experienced intel officers) that they were to do the job his way or not at all. The trait riled tension in the ranks (the DIA has 16,000 employees) and prompted the secretary of defense and the national intelligence director to fire him—a move that, according to former associates (including some who once admired him), only stiffened his bitter paranoia.

In the principals meetings, national security advisers can be firm-handed or laid-back, scheming or conciliatory—but they can’t be control freaks, or they’ll soon lose control of the apparatus.

The good news is that most policy issues are handled at a lower level, in the National Security Council’s deputies meetings—consisting of deputy secretaries or undersecretaries, assistant directors, and vice chiefs of staff. The bad news, at least during the Trump administration, is that these meetings are chaired by the deputy national security adviser. Trump’s pick, K.T. McFarland, is even less suitable than Flynn.

McFarland is a right-wing national security commentator for Fox News and touts an impressive-looking résumé that includes national security jobs dating back to the Nixon administration. But the jobs were low-level: a typist, then a junior analyst, for Henry Kissinger under Nixon; an assistant speechwriter for Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger under Reagan. (McFarland, whose name was then Kathleen Troia, also flipped the read-along cards when Weinberger testified before congressional committees.) She has never held a job involved in making policy, and her new job is involved in little else. One former official who attended many deputies meetings told me, “This is one of the hardest jobs in Washington. It’s an 18-hour day, sometimes 20 hours, every day, full of pressure every minute.”

On the domestic side of policy, Trump has appointed advisers and Cabinet secretaries who have little if any experience in government, who will face more difficulty than they know, and who will occasionally bump heads. But Trump has provided general guidance (cut spending, slash regulations, gut agencies that get in the way of corporate profits, repeal and replace Obamacare), and he’s appointed people who seem simpatico with those mandates. Some of these secretaries will face resistance within the bureaucracy, and they might not know how to overcome it; they’ll also face opposition on Capitol Hill, at least to some extent, and from a riled-up public. But on a broad level, they know what they’re supposed to do, and they’re keen to do it.

Trump’s foreign policy team has no such clear orders or direction. Even Trump’s bold slogans don’t easily translate into action. For instance, “Bomb the shit out of ISIS!” Military officers can produce plans and charts consistent with that order—but they will also ask questions (as will Mattis, who is far more sophisticated than his “Mad Dog” nickname suggests): What are the goals of this operation (to destroy ISIS or to degrade it, over how long a period of time)? What are acceptable risks of civilian damage? What is the long-term plan after the bombing? The staffs can quantify the risks; Mattis and the others can offer recommendations. But Trump will have to decide.

The same is true with his mandate for foreign economic policy: “Bring factory jobs back home! Renegotiate trade deals that hurt American jobs! Penalize countries that refuse to do so!” Again, there will be questions: What kinds of factory jobs? At what cost in, say, consumer prices? (Apple could build iPhones in America, but how much more will customers pay for them?) In these new trade deals, what are we willing to give the other sides in exchange for their giving us more? These are matters for trade negotiators to fine-tune—and let’s stipulate that Trump hires really skilled negotiators. But the bottom lines of these bargaining sessions have to be decided, ahead of time, by Trump.

Trump’s whole approach to deal-making (and Tillerson’s too) is bilateral—nation to nation, leader to leader, one nation and leader at a time. This may be fine for real-estate transactions and oil-drilling contracts, but it’s usually not fine for deals concerning the broad interests of American security or the American economy. Given our position as a maritime power with global interests, we usually do better negotiating multilateral treaties with allies—which requires an entirely different approach that seeks consensus more than profit-maximizing. Some people in Trump’s Cabinet understand this as second nature (for instance, Mattis); others don’t (for instance, Tillerson, though he could learn—the question is whether he’ll want to).

We’ll be in shambles for a while. The question is whether Trump and those around him, first, recognize that fact; second, see the need to get out of it; and third, figure out how to do that. The prospects at the moment look grim for all three.


          The Standoff With North Korea Ends One of Two Ways        

In a rare instance of successful multilateral diplomacy for the Trump administration, the U.N. Security Council unanimously approved a U.S.-drafted resolution Saturday slapping new sanctions on North Korea over its recent long-range missile tests. Even China and Russia backed the measures.

If fully implemented, the new sanctions—which target coal, seafood, and metals exports; prohibit the employment of North Korean guest workers; and expand sanctions on joint economic ventures—could cut North Korea’s $3 billion annual export revenue by a third, according to U.S. officials.

That’s a big if. The AP reports that “the U.S. and other countries are deeply concerned” that North Korea’s trading partners—principally China, but also Russia—won’t fully enforce the sanctions. China has agreed to tough measures against North Korea in the past, only to back off (or employ creative accounting to mask ongoing activity).

From Beijing’s point of view, encirclement by U.S. military power is a bigger security threat than North Korea’s nukes, and Chinese leaders are unlikely to put enough pressure on North Korea to risk the collapse of a valuable buffer state. Sebastian Gorka’s confidence notwithstanding, Trump’s tweets aren’t “powerful” enough to change that thinking.

The new sanctions are stronger than past measures but are still unlikely to lead Kim Jong-un to abandon his nuclear program voluntarily. And Trump’s previous notion that China could simply solve this problem for everyone is magical thinking. As before the sanctions, there are still only two probable ways to resolve this crisis: negotiation or war.

As former State Department sanctions coordinator Richard Nephew writes Monday for the North Korea analysis site 38 North, the pressure from the new sanctions is pointless unless the overall strategy includes negotiations. There are signs that at least some factions of the Trump administration are open to negotiation. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson said last week, “We would like to sit and have a dialogue with them about the future that will give them the security they seek and the future economic prosperity for North Korea.” He emphasized, “We’re trying to convey to the North Koreans, we are not your enemy.” Despite tweeting last week that the U.S. was “done talking” about North Korea, Ambassador to the U.N. Nikki Haley also emphasized in her speech Saturday that, “we want only security and prosperity for all nations—including North Korea.”

It’s not clear that North Korea has any intention of negotiating, at least not until it demonstrates that it has a nuclear-armed ICBM capable of reaching the United States, but pursuing talks is still a preferable option to armed conflict that would put thousands of lives in the region at risk from North Korean retaliation, not to mention the chaos sure to be unleashed if the Kim regime fell. Sen. Lindsey Graham said last week that he believes military action against North Korea is “inevitable” and that “if there's going to be a war to stop them, it will be over there. If thousands die, they're going to die over there, they're not going to die here and [Trump] told me that to my face.”

Of course, that assumes that North Korea doesn’t already have the capability of striking the U.S. with nuclear weapons—though some experts argue it does. As frightening and bleak as Graham’s scenario sounds, it may not be frightening and bleak enough.


          INTERNET        
Mungkin kita sudah tidak asing lagi mendengar akan kata internet. Jaman sekarang mungkin bisa di sebut jamannya internet karena internet sudah mendunia dan dengan mudahnya didapat. Tapi tahu kah anda sejarah internet, maupun kelebihan dan kekurangannya? Oleh karena itu saya akan membahas tentang ‘Apa itu internet?’

Internet atau disingkat (Inter Network) merupakan sekumpulan jaringan komputer yang menghubungkan situs akademik, pemerintah, komersial, organisasi, maupun perorangan.
Adapun yang mengatakan Internet (kependekan dari interconnected-networking) ialah sistem global dari seluruh jaringan komputer yang saling terhubung menggunakan standar Internet Protocol Suite (TCP/IP) untuk melayani miliaran pengguna di seluruh dunia. Manakala Internet ialah sistem komputer umum, yang berhubung secara global dan menggunakan TCP/IP sebagai protokol pertukaran paket (packet switching communication protocol). Rangkaian internet yang terbesar dinamakan Internet. Cara menghubungkan rangkaian dengan kaedah ini dinamakan internetworking.

Internet dijaga oleh perjanjian bi- atau multilateral dan spesifikasi teknikal (protokol yang menerangkan tentang perpindahan data antara rangkaian). Protokol-protokol ini dibentuk berdasarkan perbincangan Internet Engineering Task Force (IETF), yang terbuka kepada umum. Badan ini mengeluarkan dokumen yang dikenali sebagai RFC (Request for Comments). Sebagian dari RFC dijadikan Standar Internet (Internet Standard), oleh Badan Arsitektur Internet (Internet Architecture Board - IAB). Protokol-protokol Internet yang sering digunakan adalah seperti, IP, TCP,UDP, DNS, PPP, SLIP, ICMP, POP3, IMAP, SMTP, HTTP, HTTPS, SSH, Telnet,FTP, LDAP, dan SSL.
Layanan yang diberikan internet meliputi komunikasi langsung (email, chat), diskusi (usenet news, email, milis), sumber daya informasi yang terdistribusi (world wide web, gopher), remote login dan lalu lintas file (Telnet, ftp), dan sebagainya.

Di dunia internet indonesia memiliki etiket tertentu atau disebut dengan UU ITE. Terdapat kebimbangan masyarakat tentang Internet yang berpuncak pada beberapa bahan kontroversi di dalamnya. Pelanggaran hak cipta,pornografi, pencurian identitas, dan pernyataan kebencian (hate speech), adalah biasa dan sulit dijaga. Hingga tahun 2007, Indonesia masih belum memiliki Cyberlaw, padahal draft akademis RUU Cyberlaw sudah dibahas sejak tahun 2000 oleh Ditjen Postel dan Deperindag. UU yang masih ada kaitannya dengan teknologi informasi dan telekomunikasi adalah UU Telekomunikasi tahun 1999.

Internet berperan penting dalam gaya hidup dunia modern terkini. Dengan ditemukan mesin pencari seperti Google dan di dunia bisnis atau ekonomi seperti e-commerce. Bahkan di dunia pendidikan pun sudah ada Virtual class yaitu sistem belajar via cyber. Internet sudah bukan lagi barang yang di pakai oleh orang tertentu saja tetapi hampir semua orang di seluruh dunia yang mengenal teknologi pasti akan menggunakan internet.
Ada pula kekurangan internet diantaranya dengan adanya internet makan kebiasaan dengan berkumpul sanak keluarga di kampung halaman jadi tidak bisa namun mereka masi bisa berinteraksi dengan jarak jauh baik menggunakan email maupun fasilitas - fasilitas yang di berikan internet laennya.

Saya sebagai penulis berharap kedepan internet bisa lebih baik lagi dalam memberikan kemudahan – kemudahan dabn inovasi baru agar kehidupan dan kesejahteraan manusia dapat lebih baik dari yang sebelumnya.. Harapan saya seperti internet dapat memberikan inovasi dalam rasa dan perbaan. Karena indra manusia yang sudah dapat menikmati internet adalah mata, penciuman dan pendengaran. Contohnya apabila kita ingin mencari resep makanan kita dapat merasakan dan meraba bentuk makanan yang ingin kita masak sebelumnya via internet.

Daftar pustaka :

http://id.wikipedia.org/
          Palästinenser wollen internationalen Rahmen für Friedensgespräche        
Jerusalem - Der palästinensische Ministerpräsident Rami Hamdallah hat das Drängen Israels auf direkte Nahost-Verhandlungen anstelle der multilateralen Friedensinitiative Frankreichs zurückgewiesen.
          Trump's attitude toward Russia is due for a reality check        

Putin and Trump

Donald Trump has more than once expressed his admiration for Vladimir Putin, and both men have expressed hopes of “restoring” US-Russian relations after their countries’ relations hit rock bottom in recent years.

Those ties seriously deteriorated after Obama’s 2009 “reset” policy gradually fizzled out, and hit a serious low even before Russia’s annexation of Crimea in March 2014 and semi-covert interference in Eastern Ukraine.

Trump will not be the first president to try and “restore” relations with Russia. But his inconsistencies and election campaign behaviour (even after November 8) have been a cause for concern about his actual foreign policy visions.

Trump’s critics are deeply worried that the US president-elect seems to believe the Russian government more than his country’s own intelligence agencies, dismissing the allegations in a US intelligence report that claimed “with high confidence” that Putin ordered targeted cyberattacks to influence the US presidential election in Trump’s favour.

Trump and his closest advisers have responded defensively, and without seriously diluting their views on the Kremlin. While Obama recently imposed sanctions on Russian entities in retaliation for Russian interference during the election, Trump’s campaign manager Kellyanne Conway – slated to be a counselour to the president in the White House – implied that the sanctions might be reconsidered once Trump is in office, denouncing them as political.

Trump’s nominee for secretary of state, former ExxonMobil CEO Rex Tillerson, so far seems to be more or less toeing the new administration’s Russia line. Tillerson has excellent connections in Russia and was awarded the Russian Order of Friendship in 2013 by Putin himself. At his Senate confirmation hearing on January 11, Tillerson voiced scepticism about ill-designed unilateral sanctions and stated that Russia was not unpredictable.

He was far from exuberantly warm about Russia, but he and Trump are running out of time. Come the inauguration, Trump’s vague election campaign promises to “restore relations with Russia” will meet the test of reality. And so far, the indications of what will happen are decidedly mixed.

Entering the fray

rex tillerson vladimir putin

On Russia’s contentious relations with Europe, Trump’s election is a gift to the Kremlin. His criticism of NATO defence structures was music to the Russian government’s ears, and he also did not express much interest in the fate of Ukraine. And yet Tillerson, in his first confirmation hearing, asserted that “Russia has disregarded American interests” and that Russia has to know that “it will be held accountable”. He also described Article 5, the collective defence clause of the NATO Charter, as inviolable.

So Trump is unlikely to rescind NATO or fundamentally shift course in US security policies. Yet his statements have already made EU politicians return to the debate about EU defence capabilities. At a minimum, EU-US relations are expected to undergo shifts as US foreign policy towards Russia is set to depart from Obama’s policy of isolating Russia in international affairs over disagreements in the conflict in Ukraine.

In Syria, the US is now sidelined while Russia convenes trilateral talks with Iran and Turkey, effectively negotiating terms for an end to Syria’s armed conflict without US input. The preceding “recapture” of Aleppo in late December was deliberate timing, as Russia knew that the US was going to be paralysed by the political transition period in Washington and that Obama was unlikely to shift course in Syria policies in his last months.

That might dovetail with Trump’s ideas about withdrawing the US from foreign entanglements, but it also raises awkward questions about what long-term US foreign policy on Syria and the Middle East might look like.

The mantra of “democracy promotion”, often criticised as a pretext for ulterior US motives, may give way to a new isolationism that amounts to a rapprochement on Russia’s terms, one that drops references to liberal norms in foreign policy and instead accommodates itself with Russia’s vision of a “polycentric world” based on spheres of great power influence. At the same time, Tillerson indicated that the US has to “get re-engaged” on Syria.

A fragile deal

kerry zarif iran nuke

Iran is probably the best example of the gap between Trump’s talk and a more complex reality. His assessment of the 2015 nuclear agreement with Iran as “one of the worst deals” he has ever seen negotiated does not match Moscow’s view, since the agreement was negotiated in no small part thanks to Russia’s active contribution. Russia was one of the six countries negotiating with Iran over its nuclear programme, and sits on the joint commission set up to oversee the implementation of the agreement.

Russia’s state-owned nuclear energy agency, Rosatom, meanwhile, took on the task of aiding Iran in the conversion of its uranium enrichment facility at Fordow into a production centre for medical isotopes, and continues to supply the nuclear fuel for civilian nuclear energy usage.

Trump’s blithe talk of “renegotiating” the Iran deal obscures the complexity of a multilateral agreement that is endorsed by the UN Security Council. It will not be easy for the Trump administration to explain to the Russians why an agreement is “a complete catastrophe” when they have such a vested interest in it.

Every US president who took office since the end of the Cold War has tried to “restore”, “rebalance” or “reset” relations with Russia. Whether Trump can actually deliver this promise depends on whether both Washington and Moscow are willing to compromise in key areas and redefine what counts as a “strategic interest.”

An “America First” approach to international affairs challenges many of the geopolitical orthodoxies that have survived the Cold War, but however thrilling it might be for Trump’s supporters, no US president has the power to unilaterally write a new global narrative.

Trump still faces plenty of obstacles in Congress, and even Putin himself reminded him that once in office, he will “quite quickly understand the different level of his responsibility”. But the inauguration is looming – and whatever the new president actually does, his impact on a fragmented world demands that those involved in managing international affairs rethink some once-secure assumptions about the international order.

Moritz Pieper, Lecturer in International Relations, University of Salford

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

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          ASEAN at 50: Walking a Tightrope?        

This week marks the 50th anniversary of the founding of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and, in this past May, the 40th anniversary of the United States being a dialogue partner with ASEAN. Under the Obama administration, many in the Asia region appreciated the substantial gains made in U.S.-ASEAN relations, with its greater emphasis on multilateralism in the effort to foster a rules-based regional order. The United States signed the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC), joined the East Asia Summit (EAS) and ASEAN Defense Ministers Meeting (ADMM) Plus, and institutionalized the U.S.-ASEAN Summit by holding the first on U.S. soil in Sunnylands, California, in February 2016. But Asia’s evolving architecture, including ASEAN’s position therein, hinges on how any U.S. president manages America’s relations with China. With the withdrawal of the U.S. from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and a greater emphasis by President Trump on bilateralism, what does this portend for U.S. policy toward Southeast Asia and its relations with the region? Throughout the past four decades, U.S. foreign policy toward Southeast Asia has at times been considered episodic, inconsistent, and devoid of strategic context. In essence, a region treated with “benign neglect” or “indifference.” The U.S. and ASEAN nations coordinate on issues ranging from maritime security, counter-terrorism and anti-trafficking of humans, narcotics, and wildlife, to disaster risk management, governance, and nuclear non-proliferation. Economically, two-way trade in 2016 totaled $273 billion, supporting more than 500,000 jobs in the United States. ASEAN is the number one destination for U.S. direct investment in Asia at $274 billion, more than U.S. investment to China, India, Japan, and South Korea combined. But there is a sense in Southeast Asia today that the region is feeling somewhat anxious and uncertain. Challenges facing the U.S., which include budget deficits, instability in the Middle East, a war in Afghanistan, and the implications of President Trump’s “America First” policy, are raising questions about the reliability of a committed U.S. strategy toward Southeast Asia. Likewise, ASEAN finds itself in a similar predicament. Although ASEAN member states want increased U.S. engagement and leadership, there is no shared, coherent... Read more

The post ASEAN at 50: Walking a Tightrope? appeared first on The Asia Foundation.


          Time for ASEAN, and its Partners, to Get Regulatory        

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) turned 50 yesterday, August 8, which should be cause for celebration. But is 50 an energized mid-life birthday, or is it an ominous marker of faltering health for ASEAN? As in all things multilateral, where you sit determines where you stand. For some observers, such as Singaporean academic Kishore Mahbubani, for example, ASEAN’s chief accomplishments have been maintaining a post-WWII peace across its 10 member states and developing the diplomatic capacity to influence “hot” issues (such as when ASEAN’s joint statement criticizing Myanmar for its use of deadly violence against protesters in 2007 signaled regional disapproval, to which Myanmar acquiesced). Other observers, however, see ASEAN as a mismatched grouping of lower-middle, upper-middle, and high-income economies. None are willing to take policy decisions collectively, despite the 2008 ASEAN Charter giving it legal status under international law. Instead, some argue that ASEAN’s genius for creating committees and an overblown work program is a recipe for thwarting meaningful progress on most issues of common concern. Imelda Deinla, a research fellow at Australian National University, takes a different view in her new book, The Development of the Rule of Law in ASEAN: the State and Regional Integration, arguing that ASEAN is indeed more than a “talking shop.” She points to clear signs of rule of law norms emerging within ASEAN. But the member states are not always driving these developments—norm creation and economic harmonization are being fostered by networks of non-state actors, including business. That is an important insight at a time when ASEAN’s declared priority is regional economic integration, with the launch of an ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) in December 2015. Since 2012, ASEAN has been negotiating a Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) with its member states and its Free Trade Agreement (FTA) partners. RCEP is the world’s last big multilateral trade deal still standing, unless or until the larger multilateral Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) trade agreement is revived. But these global ambitions are a difficult sell for domestic politicians within ASEAN. Former Indonesian Finance Minister Chatib Basrie commented recently that politicians need to work a lot... Read more

The post Time for ASEAN, and its Partners, to Get Regulatory appeared first on The Asia Foundation.


          Blokade Angkatan Laut Sebagai Instrumen Politik Internasional        
All hands,

Dalam dunia kontemporer, blokade laut oleh Angkatan Laut telah menjadi instrumen politik internasional. Misalnya dalam kasus penerapan sanksi Dewan Keamanan PBB, seperti di Irak. Blokade laut biasanya senantiasa dipasangkan dengan no fly zone. Penerapan no fly zone berdasarkan pengalaman selalu bernuansa koersif, seperti pengeboman terhadap sasaran-sasaran militer, sementara implementasi blokade laut cenderung menggunakan pendekatan yang lebih lunak.

Di masa lalu, blokade laut lebih banyak merupakan instrumen yang bersifat unilateral. Seiring dengan perubahan konstelasi dunia dimana multilateralisme lebih mengedepan, blokade laut kini telah berubah menjadi instrumen politik multilateral. Dalam konteks itu pula maka Angkatan Laut banyak negara kini beroperasi dalam bingkai koalisi, walaupun bingkai unilateral tetap bukan suatu bingkai yang ketinggalan zaman.

Perkembangan seperti itu merupakan tantangan bagi Indonesia dalam merumuskan kembali bingkai kerjasama Angkatan Laut ke depan. Perlu dikaji apakah Indonesia ke depan perlu bergabung dengan koalisi internasional untuk menegakkan resolusi Dewan Keamanan PBB atau tidak? Begitu pula dengan resolusi atau keputusan organisasi keamanan kawasan, misalnya ASEAN Security Community yang bukan tidak mungkin di masa depan akan bertransformasi menjadi organisasi yang mengacu pada Bab VIII Piagam PBB.

          Skills for Success Project Labeled by the Union for the Mediterranean        

Washington, DC, July 9, 2012―AMIDEAST is pleased to announce that the Union for the Mediterranean labeled its Skills for Success project at its regular Senior Officials Meeting, which took place in Barcelona, Spain, on June 28, 2012. The Union for the Mediterranean (UfM), a multilateral partnership encompassing 43 countries from Europe and the Mediterranean Basin, promotes sustainable development projects in and among its member states.

After a project receives the UfM “label,” the UfM Secretariat facilitates its promotion, especially its financing needs. Once the project is launched, the Secretariat monitors its implementation, ensuring that criteria required for obtaining and keeping the UfM “project label” are being met.

AMIDEAST President and CEO Theodore Kattouf remarked that it was an honor for the organization to have the formal endorsement of the Union for the Mediterranean and expressed gratitude for the Secretariat’s decision. He continued:”Youth unemployment is a worldwide phenomenon, but is particularly acute for young women in the Middle East and North Africa.  This project, we hope, will provide a program that can be widely replicated and expanded.”

Skills for Success: Employability Skills for Women is an employability skills training program directed at young, disadvantaged and unemployed women who have completed their secondary school education. Its aim is to assist participants in acquiring the knowledge, skills, and tools needed to enter today´s challenging job market, as well as enhance women´s role as active members of society. The project’s first phase will be implemented in the capital cities of Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt, Lebanon, and Jordan.

The program will contribute towards the development of the participants’ global communication abilities via targeted English language training and enhanced professional skills, including computer and business skills development and job search tools and advice.

By addressing the challenge of economic empowerment of women in the region, the project seeks to mitigate high unemployment rates among secondary-level educated women in the Southern Mediterranean. In general terms, it also aims to develop workforce skills necessary to support national and regional economies.

It is anticipated that a second phase will expand the project to include secondary cities and rural areas in the five beneficiary countries.

Founded in 1951, AMIDEAST (www.amideast.org) is an American nonprofit organization engaged in international education, training, and development assistance. With over 20 field and project offices in the Middle East and North Africa and more than 650 dedicated professional staff, AMIDEAST provides programs and services to improve educational opportunity and quality, strengthen local institutions, and develop language and professional skills for success in the global economy. AMIDEAST is deeply committed to strengthening mutual understanding and cooperation between Americans and the peoples of the Middle East and North Africa.

 


          Ahead of BNP's 24-hours "Hartal", 100 arrested, 10 buses burnt        
Dhaka, 4 June : Former Bangladesh Home Secretary and BNP chairperson’s advisor Zahurul Huq and 49 Ward Commissioner Abul Khayer Bablu were among 150 people arrested from the capital and elsewhere of the country ahead of tomorrow’s dawn-to-dusk hartal.
At least 10 passenger buses were burnt in pre-hartal violence in different parts of the capital.
Opposition BNP and its allies Jamaat-e-Islami, BJP and Khelafat Majlis called the shutdown to protest the government move to scarp the provision of the non-party caretaker government. IOJ, JAGPA and others extended their support to the hartal.
BNP alleged that Zahurul Huq from Elephant Road and Bablu from Dhanmondi were arrested in the evening.
BNP office secretary Rizvi Ahmed claimed that Khulna City JCD general secretary Kamal Ahmed was arrested from Khulna city in the evening. He also claimed that at least 250 BNP activists were injured in police action on the hartal campaigners across the country.

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India to hosts this year's World Environment Day tomorrow
New Delhi, Kolkata, 4 June : India will host this year's World Environment Day tomorrow and the government has announced that the country will continue to play a very important role in defining the terms of environmental debate at the global level.
Each year a different country is chosen as the principal venue for the global celebration of World Environment Day which falls on 5 June and the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) has selected India as the global host of this year's programme.
The theme of this years celebration is "Forests: Nature at Your Service", which highlights the crucial environmental and economic roles played by the forests, particularly in India.
"The message is largely to the international community that India is willing and determined to play and is playing a very important role in defining the terms of environmental debate," Environment Minister Jairam Ramesh in his message to the world on the occasion.

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BNP to go non-stop movement to thwart annulment of CG
Dhaka, 4 June : Bangladesh opposition leader Khaleda Zia on Saturday said her party might be compelled to go for tough non-stop movement if the government does not refrain from annulling the system of caretaker government embodied in the Constitution.
She said authority of amending the Constitution lay with parliament, and not any court. Nor it is not mandatory for parliament to implement verdict of the court on amending the Constitution. Khaleda told a crowded press conference at her Gulshan office this evening that BNP would thwart the ill motive of government.

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GS Prakash Karat to review CPI(M) debacle in West Bengal
Kolkata, 4 June : CPI(M)'s West Bengal state committee met here today with party general secretary Prakash Karat as special invitee to finalise its review report on the end of the uninterrupted 34-year rule of the Left Front in the state.
Party sources said during the two-day session Karat is likely to discuss the factors responsible for the drubbing in the Assembly elections with the state leadership which took up district and block-level reports on the poll reverses.
The meeting is also expected to analyse the wrong estimate of the party's prospects in the election when the leadership forecast 199 seats for the Left Front to be able to form the eighth Front government in the state.
Former chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee was present at the meeting, which will also take up the issue of post-poll violence by TMC.

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FM hopes Singapore would import more B'deshi Products
Dhaka, 4 June : Bangladesh Foreign Minister Dr. Dipu Moni expressed hope that Singapore would import more Bangladeshi Products to reduce the trade gap between the two countries.
She told this during her meeting with new Singapore Foreign Minister K. Shanmugam at the sidelines of the Shangri-La Dialogue on Saturday, said a press release.

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WB BJP state president Rahul Sinha offers party to resign
PTI, Lucknow, 4 June : BJP's review of its performance in the recently-held Assembly elections to five states saw its West Bengal unit chief Rahul Sinha offering to resign owning "moral responsibility" for the party's defeat, but it was shot down by the top leadership.
During the discussions on BJP's dismal poll performance in all the five states - West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Assam and Puducherry, senior party leaders made efforts to know why their calculations went wrong.
Rahul Sinha, BJP state unit president of West Bengal, told party President Nitin Gadkari that he was owning responsibility for the party's poor showing in the state.

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CPI(M) leaders paraded, assaulted for alleged corruption
PTI, Burdwan, 4 June : Eight local CPI(M) leaders were today paraded by being pulled with the ropes tied around their waists before being beaten up by villagers at Saraighar in Burdwan district over alleged corruption.
The eight CPI(M) leaders - Achinta Mondal and Srikanta Ghosh, both local CPI(M) committee members, former secretary of the gram panchayat Jahar Ghosh, besides Ashwini Mondal, Sukumar Pramanik and Kartik Mondal, three gram panchayat members and Sunil Mullick, the secretary -- had called a meeting of the villagers in a field, local Trinamool Congress leader S K Jamal said.
The villagers had demanded an explanation on how Rs six lakh in development funds was spent about a fortnight ago and the CPI(M) leaders had said that an explanation would be given today, he said.

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Total and darkest "Lunar Eclipse" on the night of 15 June
PTI, Mumbai, 4 June : With the sun, earth and moon falling in a straight line on the night of 15 June, a celestial drama, showing the darkest lunar eclipse in the 21st century, will occur, an official spokesperson said here today.
The moon will pass through the shadow, cast by the earth, producing a beautiful spectacle in the sky. As the moon slips into the earth's umbra (dark shadow), it will slowly turn coppery red, Programme Coordinator (Scientific) at the Nehru Planetarium Suhas B Naik-Satam said.
This will be the darkest lunar eclipse visible over the skies of India in the 21st Century, after the last darkest lunar eclipse 40 years back on 6 August, 1971, he said.
The lunar eclipse will be visible throughout India and it will start at 23:53 pm(IST) and it will end at 03:32 am on 16 June, Satam said.

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WB Govt orders judicial probe into Mostafa Quasem's death
Kolkata, 4 June : The West Bengal government today ordered a judicial inquiry into the death of CPI(M) MLA Mostafa Bin Quasem at the MLA Hostel here in deference to the request of his son Masum.
"The Chief Secretary will decide the terms of reference of the one-member judicial commission," Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee told reporters here.
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Asian Development Bank assures fund for big solar system
UNB, Dhaka, 4 June : Asian Development Bank (ADB) has in principal agreed to provide financial support to Bangladesh for implementing a solar system project for generation of 500 MW power.
The assurance came from the top executives of the multilateral lending agency at its 3-day Asia Solar Energy Forum’s Conference in Bangkok that ended on 1 June. A delegation led by PM’s Energy Adviser Dr. Tawfiq-e-Elahi Chowdhury attended the conference.

“Responding to our call, ADB has in principal agreed to provide the financial support to a 500 MW capacity solar energy project. Now, other things will be worked out to implement the proposed project and the amount of fund will be determined on that basis,” Tapos Kumar Roy, Additional Secretary of the Power Division, who attended the conference told UNB.
The ADB arranged the conference as part of its policy to promote renewable energy, particularly the solar-based power system in the Asian countries. The lending agency has planned to introduce 3,000 MW solar-based power system in the region by 2013.
Delegations from most of the Asian countries including India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, China and Maldives participated in the conference.
Bangladesh delegation included Power Secretary Abul Kalam Azad, Additional Secretary Tapos Kumar Roy, IDCOL chief executive office Islam Sharif and Rahimafrooz Renewable’s managing director Munawar Moin.
Officials attended the conference said Bangladesh proposed a plan for introducing 500 MW solar panel-based system that includes solar irrigation pump; solar roof top in urban areas; and mini grids solar plants in rural area.

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          Fracasó la Prepcom, esperando a Brasil        

Termina el plazo previsto de la Conferencia Preparatoria de la Cumbre de Río sin acuerdo sobre la mayor parte del documento, especialmente en los puntos más relevantes. A pesar de los esfuerzos por acordar aún a costa de la ambición de un documento claramente insuficiente, la mayor parte del texto, sobretodo en aquellos párrafos que introducían conceptos fuertes y empujaban a compromisos de actuación,  no  han sido acordados.

 

Una vez más, el proceso de Naciones Unidas se muestra ineficaz, con el peligro de que los grandes países que recelan del multilateralismo y la igualdad que suponen los mecanismos de NN.UU. lo usen –después se ser activos agentes del bloqueo- para imponer otros que les sean más propicios.

 

Haber pasado de un borrador inicial de veinte páginas a documentos de trabajo de doscientas no ha servido para acercar a los países, sino para lo contrario. A pesar de que el documento discutido no contemplaba más que indicaciones hacia la necesidad de compromisos y implementaciones, los trabajos han estado presididos por el recelo  de los países en desarrollo y emergentes ­–G77-  hacia una posible mercantilización de los recursos y las cortapisas a su crecimiento y la negativa de los países desarrollados a facilitar fondos y tecnología para el desarrollo limpio de aquellos.

 

Así los países del G77 han mantenido el rechazo a asumir el concepto de “economía verde” hasta que no se avanzara en sus demandas de financiación,  modestas  -30.000 millones de dólares año hasta 2017 y 100.000 a partir de 2018-. Los esfuerzos de la delegación sindical para que se entrase en la caracterización de “economía verde” para garantizar su equidad no fueron atendidos en el marco del a Prepcom por parte de estos países. De la misma manera los países en desarrollo tampoco profundizaron en la propuesta de Tasa de Transacciones Financieras que dentro del concepto “fuentes innovadoras” hubiese puesto a los países desarrollados en la disyuntiva de pronunciarse claramente sobre la FFT.  

 

Hasta el momento, la Unión Europea no ha conseguido que una parte del G77 se acercase a sus posiciones, al contrario que en la COP17 del Cima de Durban en que aceptó la prorroga del compromiso de Kyoto en Río+20 no ha ofrecido ninguna compensación tangible para ello, ello más la actitud casi provocadora que USA, Canadá y otros han mantenido en algunos debates ha reforzado la cohesión de países con realidades e intereses tan contrapuestos como pueden ser China, Singapur y los Africanos.  Los sindicatos y especialmente los europeos, no podemos estar satisfechos con una posición negociadora que, siendo correcta en la defensa y aceptación de conceptos clave, ha sido muy tímida con respecto a los países desarrollados más reticentes y a los esfuerzos que el éxito de la Cumbre demanda.

 

Por lo que se refiere a las propuestas de los sindicatos, se ha hecho evidente que el compromiso de invertir el 2% de PIB para generar empleos verdes es inalcanzable. Porque no hay acuerdo en el concepto. Así hemos volcado nuestros esfuerzos en vincular la sostenibilidad ambiental al trabajo decente e intentar que se señale el potencial de creación de puestos trabajos que los empleos verdes suponen. Ante la resistencia del G77 al adjetivo verde, nos hemos esforzado para que sin denominarse así, nuestros contenidos al respecto se recojan en el texto como forma de llegar sin conflicto a objetivos de implementación. Otros conceptos que ya se han adoptado en las conferencias climáticas como Transición Justa se aceptan pese a que algunos paises quieren limitar su alcance.

 

De la situación de la propuesta de TFF ya he dado cuenta, no se profundiza en ella pues no se avanza en fuentes innovadoras de financiación porque no se avanza en fijar una cifra como demandan los países del G77.

 

Nuestro tercer gran objetivo es el piso de protección social universal. Este concepto se encontraba al inicio de la Prepcom tanto en el  capítulo que abordan la “pobreza” como en el de “empleo”. Al final del segundo día,  en “pobreza” se acordó remitir la cuestión del piso de protección social al grupo de “empleo”. En una gestión funesta del coordinador del grupo deseoso de sacar de la discusión todo aquello que pudiera. Pese a que la cuestión del piso pueda profundizarse y enriquecerse en “empleo”, esta decisión –consentida por los negociadores en ese momento- puede dejar fuera del alcanza del piso de protección social a aquellas personas que no pueden acceder al trabajo formal y aquellos aspectos  como salud, educación, vejez que nosotros queremos ver incluidos en la propuesta. Además va contra la evidencia –manifestada por estudios presentados en la Asamblea Sindical por ejemplo- de que una garantía de protección social tiene como resultado la inclusión de la población vulnerable en actividades económicas en lugar de lo contrario como establece la doctrina neoliberal.

 

Al grupo de empleo, no llego la referencia a piso de protección social conforme esta en la propuesta de “pobreza”, una visión muy rica según la cual el piso construye equidad. Este grupo no concluyo en acuerdos ni respecto a empleos verdes y decentes ni al piso de protección social, en el primer caso por falta de una posición discutida del G// y en el segundo por la posición de USA.

 

La situación en el momento de escribir esta valoración de la Prepcom es que los negociadores y los observadores esperamos del gobierno brasileño para mediodía del sábado un texto que permita que la Cumbre que se abre el día 20 con la participación de jefes de Estado pueda ofrecer un resultado digno. Se sabe que negociadores brasileños están manteniendo múltiples contactos bilaterales y multilaterales, lo cual supone el  riesgo de algún país impugne la propuesta por no hacerse conforme a los mecanismos de NN.UU. , pero para la mayoría de partes y observadores que estamos aquí, ahora, esa es la única esperanza de evitar la decepción.

 


          Terminó, triste        

Todo el día tiutando y el blog abandonado, no sé en que hora vivo y hay qye salir corriendo de aquí para descansar un poco antes del vuelo. Os posteo la nota de valoración que hemos elaborado conjutamente Isabel Navarro (UGT) y yo con ayuda de Javier Morales, allí en Madrid. 


Decepción por los resultados de la Cumbre del Clima de Durban

Durban, 11 de diciembre de 2011

Una profunda decepción. Es lo que sentimos los sindicatos que hemos venido a Durban. El mismo documento de acuerdo al que se ha llegado reconoce que la brecha entre las recomendaciones de la comunidad científica para evitar que el calentamiento global supere en 2ºC la temperatura de la era preindustrial y los compromisos voluntarios adquiridos por los países sigue creciendo y pone en grave riesgo el objetivo de no superar este límite, acordado en Copenhague como guía para las negociaciones climáticas”, ha declarado Llorenç Serrano, secretario confederal de Medio Ambiente de CCOO y miembro de la delegación internacional de los sindicatos presente en la Cumbre del Clima de Durban (COP17).

Para la Confederación Sindical Internacional (CSI), de la que forma parte CCOO, la falta de un acuerdo ambicioso se traducirá en daños irreversibles para millones de trabajadores, en términos de seguridad alimentaria, proliferación de catástrofes, pérdida de salud pública y crisis de empleo.

En ningún momento la Conferencia ha tenido posibilidades de abordar los compromisos que el planeta y la humanidad necesitan, esto es, unos mayores objetivos de reducción de emisiones, políticas de adaptación a los efectos ya irreversibles del calentamiento global, el desarrollo de una agenda hacia sociedades más justas y equitativas y hacia una economía sostenible, con empleos decentes y de calidad”, afirma el responsable de Medio Ambiente de CCOO.

“La dificultad para alcanzar acuerdos y el esfuerzo realizado por las negociadores, así como haber salvado de nuevo el proceso multilateral no son argumentos suficientes para satisfacernos. Nuestro futuro necesita más ambición y compromiso. Se ha perdido demasiado tiempo, un tiempo que ya no podremos recuperar”, asegura Llorenç Serrano.

Los sindicatos han ido a Durban para reclamar a los gobiernos desarrollados que asumiesen un segundo periodo de compromiso del Protocolo de Kioto. “Pero sólo como una pieza necesaria en la consecución de un acuerdo legalmente vinculante para todos los países, en el que los esfuerzos se repartiesen de acuerdo con el principio de responsabilidades y capacidades diferenciadas, añade.

A UGT y CCOO nos congratula que la Unión Europea se haya comprometido con este segundo periodo, lo que le ha permitido volver a liderar las negociaciones sobre el clima. “Pero advertimos que esta decisión, en la que Europa se compromete a seguir reduciendo emisiones, no debe verse como una penalización, sino como una senda de oportunidades para salir de la crisis, generar empleo y llegar a un tejido productivo más eficaz”, asegura Isabel Navarro, secretaria confederal de Medio Ambiente y Cambio Climático de UGT.

Otro de los objetivos de los sindicatos ha sido presionar a los representantes políticos para que alcanzasen un acuerdo sobre financiación justo y operativo. “Pero no se ha conseguido un sistema de gobierno del Fondo Verde Climático con la transparencia que desearíamos, tampoco quedan claras las fuentes de los fondos y aún no hay recursos asignados”, añade Navarro.

Nuestra propuesta para mantener y hacer operativo el principio de transición justa a través de un mandato a la Organización Internacional de Trabajo no se ha recogido. El concepto de transición justa se ha movido, de forma no definitiva, del preámbulo al capítulo de medidas de respuesta. Eso sí,  con una redacción muy adecuada: “Insta a las partes a implementar políticas y medidas para promover una transición justa para la gente trabajadora, la creación de trabajo decente y empleos de calidad de acuerdo con las prioridades y estrategias nacionales. Plantearemos al Gobierno entrante el cumplimiento de esta medida.

El movimiento sindical deberá redoblar los esfuerzos en el proceso de desarrollo de los acuerdos de Durban y ante la futura COP18 en Qatar. La elección de ese país, que se caracteriza por la negación de derechos laborales y cívicos, hace más necesaria que nunca la presión previa en cada país a los gobiernos para que las conferencias del clima respondan de una vez por todas a los retos del calentamiento global.

En las actividades paralelas que se han celebrado en Durban se han evidenciado las posibilidades de las agendas de economía y empleos verdes para conseguir una salida más justa de la crisis. Una oportunidad para poner en pie políticas adecuadas de sostenibilidad se dará en Río +20 en junio del año que viene, en donde la CSI defenderá inversiones equivalentes al 2% del PIB en cada país para la promoción de empleos verdes y decentes, la tasa de transacciones financieras (TTF) para financiar el desarrollo limpio y la necesidad de un suelo de protección social universal.

 

 

 

 

 



          UN TECHO PARA MI PAÍS        




Un Techo para mi País es una organización Latinoamericana sin fines de lucro creada en Chile en el año 1997, que hoy es liderada por jóvenes de América Latina. Buscan promover la toma de conciencia entre personas menores a treinta años respecto a la impotancia de contar con una vivienda digna para asi desarrollarnos como personas. Hace especial énfasis en los sectores más necesitados de la sociedad para así mejorar su calidad de vida, llevando a cabo programas de habilitación social.

http://youtu.be/jVsYsOJwMaY

- La institución tiene bien en claro su Vision y Mision:


Visión

Una Latinoamérica sin extrema pobreza, con jóvenes comprometidos con los desafíos propios de sus países, donde todas las familias cuenten con una vivienda digna y puedan acceder a más oportunidades para mejorar su calidad de vida.

Misión


Mejorar la calidad de vida de las familias que viven en situación de pobreza a través de la construcción de viviendas de emergencia y la ejecución de planes de habilitación social, en un trabajo conjunto entre jóvenes voluntarios universitarios y estas comunidades. Queremos denunciar la realidad de los asentamientos precarios en que viven millones de personas en Latinoamérica e involucrar a la sociedad en su conjunto, logrando que se comprometa con la tarea de construir un continente más solidario, justo y sin exclusión.





Todo comenzó con un grupo de jóvenes universitarios apoyados por Felipe Berrios S.J, queienes después de unas misiones construyendo una capilla en el pueblo de Curanilahue sintió la necesidad de concientizar y luchar sobre la situación de extrema pobreza en que viven millones de personas en asentamientos precarios, a partir de la construcción de viviendas y la ejecución de planes de habilitación social. Sugió así la necesidad de convocar a toda la sociedad, dando a conocer que la falta de oportunidades y las condiciones en que viven más de 200 millones de latinoamericanos. Era lo necesario para lograr los objetivos que tenían planteados, ellos sabían cual era su situación deseada, su futuro soñado, y conocían que necesitaban para llegar a esto. El trabajo duro, la concientizacion y la búsqueda de voluntarios era indispensable.

Desde el año 2001, UTPMP comenzó su expansión por Latinoamérica, siendo reforzado desde el 2005 con el apoyo del Fondo Multilateral de Inversiones (FOMIN) del Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo (BID).

Hoy Un Techo para mi País está presente en 19 países: Argentina, Bolivia, Brasil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Haití, Honduras, México, Panamá, Paraguay, Perú, Uruguay, Nicaragua, República Dominicana y Venezuela. Estos países se unen a través del trabajo de miles de individuos y comunidades que luchan por ideales en común. Hasta el día de la fecha son 78.000 las viviendas de emergencia construidas y más de 400.000 voluntarios que se unieron a la causa.

La influencia y los cambios que proboco “un techo para mi país” en toda america latina son increíbles. Hoy, su objetivo principal esta logrado y son miles de jóvenes los que participan dando una mano a personas que lo necesitan. Quizas, la satisfacción mas grande es ver como esas personas realmente entienden lo que la organización quiere transmitir, logran entender cuan necesario es contar con una viviend

a digna y como, a pesar de que esto no cambie al mundo, el ayudar a construir un hogar puede cambiar y ayudar mucho a al realidad de un individuo.

El proceso de desarrollo no se dio de la noche a la mañana, y hoy la organización gracias a tanto trabajo logro convertirse en lo que es, y, por supuesto, día a día surgen nuevos objetivos y el trabajo y la ayuda no se detienen.

"NO ENTIENDAS LA POBREZA, TRANSFÓRMALA"



          Beijing’s Interest in Offshore Tax Evasion Limited to Corrupt Officials        
Source article in Chinese: 国际追税与追逃,北京态度如冰炭


Fifty-one countries signed the Multilateral Competent Authority Agreement in Berlin on Oct. 29 to fight offshore tax fraud and evasion. The agreement aims to put an end to banking secrecy by sharing tax-related information with member states.
Missing from the signatory list are the United States and China. China’s absence seems somewhat strange given its global “fox hunt” for corrupt officials who have fled the country.

Hunting Foxes vs. Beating Tigers

The United States has good reasons to stay out. With the enactment of its 2010 Foreign Account Tax Compliance Act or FATCA, the United States has been pioneering the fight against tax evasion.
The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) has played a leading role in the development and negotiation of the Multilateral Competent Authority Agreement. OECD Secretary-General Angel Gurria commented that the United States has provided strong support in the process.
China, on the other hand, has made no comment on the Agreement and has not been mentioned by the OECD. Beijing’s indifference to the international anti-tax evasion campaign forms a sharp contrast to its highly propagandized effort to hunt down runaway officials.
Tax evasion is a serious federal felony in the United States. For Chinese, however, hunting corrupt officials and recovering taxes are two very different things from an ethical perspective. The former targets corrupt officials who fled the country with illegally obtained assets, while the latter involves all wealthy Chinese who have transferred their wealth abroad.
Besides members of the red magnates, these wealthy people also include private business owners who have transferred money abroad. Therefore, the capital affected by tax recovery efforts is not 100 percent illegal income.
However, the amount of money involved in corrupt official hunting and tax recovery is very different.
Since the 1990s, 16,000 to 18,000 Communist Party cadres and government officials have fled China, taking with them 800 billion yuan (about US $130 billion at today’s exchange rate), according to Party mouthpiece Xinhua News Agency.
In a report published on Jan. 21, the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ) revealed that nearly 22,000 offshore clients with addresses in mainland China and Hong Kong hold companies in tax havens. (See “Leaked Records Reveal Offshore Holdings of China’s Elite“)
Among them are relatives of the “red nobility,” the wealthy, and Chinese congress members, according to the report.
“By some estimates, between $1 trillion and $4 trillion in untraced assets have left the country since 2000,” the report stated.
Compared to the 800 billion yuan that corrupt Chinese officials took abroad, the $1-4 trillion is a much larger amount. Furthermore, quite a large portion of the $1-4 trillion was obtained illegally.
Beijing is reluctant to cast the net to “catch the tigers” while enthusiastically “hunting foxes” globally, because the two campaigns target different groups.

“Fox Hunt” Targets Eloped Corrupt Officials

The “fox hunt” is a campaign to hunt down officials and senior management of state-owned enterprises who have fled the country with embezzled or illegally obtained money.
China launched the campaign globally in July with much publicity. In a series of eight articles called “China’s Fight Against Runaway Corrupt Officials,” Party mouthpiece People.com.cn provided a comprehensive account of the global manhunt.
The latest news is that China agrees to follow the international practice of sharing the illicit assets with countries that help capture the fugitives and recover the money. In the meantime, although China has not yet signed extradition treaties with the United States, Canada, or Australia, these three countries have been collaborating with China in various ways to hunt down economic fugitives.
The majority of the runaway officials used to work in lucrative departments such as finance, state-owned monopoly enterprises, transportation, land management, construction, taxation, trade, and investment.
In the past, the number of captured fugitives was never disclosed. Now, however, China has provided official statistics for the first time: 6,694 defecting economic crime suspects were brought back to the country from 2008 to 2013 through extradition, repatriation, persuasion, and prosecution abroad.
The United States, Canada, and Australia are the defecting officials’ top choices since these traditional immigration targets provide good living conditions and high-quality education. It is said that “corrupt official neighborhoods” and “corrupt official offspring villages” can be found in these countries.
So how high-ranking are these officials? A list of defecting corrupt officials in the seventh article of the People.com.cn series shows that the highest-ranking officials are Lu Wanli, former Director of Guizhou Province Transportation Department, and Yang Xiuzhu, former Vice Director of Zhejiang Province Construction Department.
In recent years the Chinese government is said to have made a great effort to hunt down corrupt officials who have fled abroad. It has signed 107 judicial assistance agreements with 63 countries, including those under negotiation, and followed the international practice of sharing the recovered assets with the assisting countries (40 to 80 percent of the assets will be shared depending on the contribution of the country).
Beijing swore to “bring the corrupt officials to justice even if they fled to the corners of the earth.”

Tax Recovery a Gold Mine

Although tax recovery is a gold mine, Beijing won’t dig into it for reasons that can’t be mentioned.
The reason tax recovery is so tricky for Beijing is that many of those who transfer assets abroad on a large scale are relatives and descendants of the red nobility.
I’d like to first explain the difference between the red nobility and senior officials. In pre-communist eras, “nobility” referred to relatives of the royal family and those who were granted nobility due to great achievements or contributions.
There is an old saying: “Official titles are to appoint the capable, and nobility titles are to reward contributions.” Official titles cannot be passed down to the officials’ children, while nobility titles can be inherited.
The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) stated they would “smash the old world,” so they could not adopt the old “feudal system” they said they would crack down on. However, the CCP never attempted to restrain the privileges of the red nobility who “won the world” for Mao.
Such privileges not only allow their children to easily become senior officials or officers, but also allow them to do business and take advantage of their parents’ political power.
Some red princelings argue that most of the second-generation red officials lead an ordinary life without any privileges. This is true, but there are reasons behind it.
The first reason is that there are differentiations among the “second red generation.” It is an unspoken rule that only the original generals in Mao’s era or the department heads in the 1950s or earlier qualify as “red nobility” who enjoy privileges above the law. Most of the second red generation do not belong to this group, so their privileges are limited.
The second reason is that not all red princelings have the ability to do business.
It has been proven by sources inside and outside China that a large portion of the wealthy class in China are from red nobility families. In a series of articles published in 2010, People’s Forum, a magazine published by the People’s Daily, publicly admitted for the first time that the majority of China’s nouveau riche are the “red families.”
The articles also pointed out that the red families have a high starting point and easy access to social resources due to their political and capital advantages. Most red families do business in industries that require government approval, such as trade, infrastructure, and energy. Real estate is another favorite business of this group.
The red family members, not being very rich, worry about the security of the mammoth assets in China, so they transfer their money overseas through various channels. According to the ICIJ report, over 100 researchers searched the list of 37,000 Chinese offshore company holders looking for “public figures”: Politburo members, military commanders, mayors of large cities, billionaires listed in Forbes and Hurun’s rankings of the mega-wealthy, and so-called princelings (relatives of the current leadership or former Communist Party elders).
The team identified family members of at least five current and former members of the Politburo (China’s top leadership group consisting of 7 to 9 members) who hold offshore companies in the British Virgin Islands and the Cook Islands. Among them are Deng Xiaoping’s son-in-law Wu Jianchang, a former prime minister’s daughter Li Xiaolin, Wen Jiabao’s son Wen Yunson and son-in-law Liu Chunhang, Xi Jinping’s brother-in-law Deng Jiagui, and Hu Jintao’s nephew Hu Yishi, to name a few.
The report exposed the CCP interest group’s true nature as thieves, and it greatly undermined the CCP’s legitimacy. Therefore, the CCP continues to ignore this report.
Of the 800 billion yuan that corrupt officials took abroad, over 10 billion was recovered over the past 15 years. However, even if the rest is fully recovered, the amount is not comparable to the tax on the $1-4 trillion in assets transferred abroad.
Even an elementary school student can tell which is more important. Yet the Chinese government has no interest in the Multilateral Competent Authority Agreement, but focuses only on hunting down the corrupt officials abroad.
Such an obvious problem is entirely due to the different target groups of the corrupt official hunt and tax recovery. In other words, it is a case of “identity discrimination,” as I pointed out earlier when commenting on Beijing’s anti-corruption campaigns.

This translation first appeared in the Epoch Times
          Vela Minerals Announces Changes to Management and Early Warning Report Regarding Acquisition of Vela Common Shares        
May 9, 2014 – Calgary, Alberta:  Vela Minerals Ltd. (the “Company”) (VLA: TSX-V) announces the appointment of Dale Hansen as CFO and corporate secretary in place of John McCaffrey. Mr. Hansen has over 25 years of experience in the resource industry and has worked for a number of Canadian and International based energy resource companies including Suncor Energy and Koch Exploration. Mr. Hansen also serves as the Chief Financial Officer of Graphite One Resources Inc.  Mr. Hansen has a proven track record of performance at all levels of management in the resource industry and is a Certified Management Accountant. Mr. Hansen also holds a Master of Arts degree in Leadership from Royal Roads University. On behalf of the Directors, I would like to welcome Dale Hansen to his role as CFO of the Company and to thank Mr. McCaffrey for his contributions to Vela Minerals Ltd. in his role as CFO and look forward to his on-going involvement as a Director.   EARLY WARNING REPORT REGARDING ACQUISITION OF COMMON SHARES OF VELA MINERALS LTD. Charles Chebry (the “Offeror”) is issuing this press release pursuant to the early warning requirements of applicable securities laws in Canada with respect to Vela Minerals Ltd. (the “Issuer”). Pursuant to an open market purchase on May 8, 2014 the Offeror acquired beneficial ownership and control of 18,000 common shares (the “Acquired Shares”) of the Issuer, representing approximately 0.17% of the current issued and outstanding.  The Offeror acquired the Acquired Shares for investment purposes only. The Offeror may in the future take such actions in respect of his security holdings in the Issuer as he deems appropriate in light of the circumstances, including the purchase of additional securities of the Issuer through privately negotiated transactions or open market purchases, or the sale of all or a portion of his holdings in privately negotiated transactions or the open market to one or more purchasers.  Immediately after the close of the Acquired Shares, the Offeror beneficially owned and controlled 4,318,000 common shares and 150,000 options exercisable into common shares. On a non-diluted basis, the Offeror beneficially owned and controlled approximately 40.8% of the 10,574,711 common shares issued and outstanding. On a diluted basis, the Offeror beneficially owned and controlled approximately 41.7% of the issued and outstanding common shares. The Acquired Shares were acquired through trades effected pursuant to normal course purchases on the TSX-V and, when aggregated with acquisitions otherwise made by the Offeror within the past 12-month period, do not exceed 5 percent of the outstanding securities of that class, in accordance with section 4.1 of Multilateral Instrument 62-104 (“MI 62-104”), and the consideration paid was not in excess of the market price as determined under section 1.11 of MI 62-104.  For additional information, or for a copy of the early warning report filed, or to be filed, by the Offeror in respect of the above-noted transaction, please contact:   Charles Chebry Suite 160, 1209 – 59 Avenue SE Calgary, Alberta T2H 2P6   Tel: (403) 255-8203 ON BEHALF OF THE BOARD Per:        /s/ “Charles Chebry”                 Chief Executive Officer   Neither the TSX Venture Exchange nor its Regulation Services Provider (as that term is defined in the policies of the TSX Venture Exchange) accepts responsibility for the adequacy or accuracy of this news release.
          Searching the green dev wikisphere        
There is an ecosystem of wiki websites on sustainability, design and development issues. Appropedia is a large and broad site; others include small but active communities and NGOs doing good, focused work (e.g. Greenlivingpedia and Akvopedia), wikis run by multilateral organizations (e.g. the UNDP’s WaterWiki and the OECD’s Wikiprogress and Wikigender), and (sadly) wikis where … Continue reading "Searching the green dev wikisphere"
          Pengantar ilmu hukum        
BAB I
PENDAHULUAN
A. Pengertian Ilmu Hukum dan Pengantar Ilmu Hukum
1. Pengertian Ilmu hukum
Menurut Satjipto Rahardjo Ilmu hukum adalah ilmu pengetahuan yang berusaha menelaah hukum. Ilmu hukum mencakup dan membicarakan segala hal yang berhubungan dengan hukum. Ilmu hukum objeknya hukum itu sendiri. Demikian luasnya masalah yang dicakup oleh ilmu ini, sehingga sempat memancing pendapat orang untuk mengatakan bahwa “batas-batasnya tidak bisa ditentukan” (Curzon, 1979 : v).
Selanjutnya menurut J.B. Daliyo Ilmu hukum adalah ilmu pengetahuan yang objeknya hukum. Dengan demikian maka ilmu hukum akan mempelajari semua seluk beluk mengenai hukum, misalnya mengenai asal mula, wujud, asas-asas, sistem, macam pembagian, sumber-sumber, perkembangan, fungsi dan kedudukan hukum di dalam masyarakat. Ilmu hukum sebagai ilmu yang mempunyai objek hukum menelaah hukum sebagai suatu gejala atau fenomena kehidupan manusia dimanapun didunia ini dari masa kapanpun. Seorang yang berkeinginan mengetahui hukum secara mendalam sangat perlu mempelajari hukum itu dari lahir, tumbuh dan berkembangnya dari masa ke masa sehingga sejarah hukum besar perannya dalam hal tersebut.
2. Pengertian Pengantar ilmu hukum
Pengantar Ilmu Hukum (PIH) kerapkali oleh dunia studi hukum dinamakan “Encyclopaedia Hukum”, yaitu mata kuliah dasar yang merupakan pengantar (introduction atau inleiding) dalam mempelajari ilmu hukum. Dapat pula dikatakan bahwa PIH merupakan dasar untuk pelajaran lebih lanjut dalam studi hukum yang mempelajari pengertian-pengertian dasar, gambaran dasar tentang sendi-sendi utama ilmu hukum.
B. Tujuan dan Kegunaan Pengantar Ilmu Hukum
Tujuan Pengantar Imu Hukum adalah menjelaskan tentang keadaan, inti dan maksud tujuan dari bagian-bagian penting dari hukum, serta pertalian antara berbagai bagian tersebut dengan ilmu pengetahuan hukum. Adapun kegunaannya adalah untuk dapat memahami bagian-bagian atau jenis-jenis ilmu hukum lainnya.
C. Kedudukan dan Fungsi Pengantar Ilmu Hukum
Kedudukan Pengantar Ilmu Hukum merupakan dasar bagi pelajaran lanjutan tentang ilmu pengetahuan dari berbagai bidang hukum. Sedangkan kedudukan dalam kurikulum fakultas hukum adalah sebagai mata kuliah keahlian dan keilmuan. Oleh karena itu pengantar ilmu hukum berfungsi memberikan pengertian-pengertian dasar baik secara garis besar maupun secara mendalam mengenai segala sesuatu yang berkaitan dengan hukum. Selain itu juga pengantar ilmu hukum juga berfungsi pedagogis yakni menumbuhkan sikap adil dan membangkitkan minat untuk denagan penuh kesungguhan mempelajari hukum.
D. Ilmu Bantu Pengantar Ilmu Hukum
• Sejarah hukum, yaitu suatu disiplin hukum yang mempelajari asal usul terbentuknya dan perkembangan suatu sistem hukum dalam suatu masyarakat tertentu dan memperbanding antara hukum yang berbeda karena dibatasi oleh perbedaan waktu
• Sosiologi hukum, yaitu suatu cabang ilmu pengetahuan yang secara empiris dan analitis mempelajari hubungan timbal balik antara hukum sebagai gejala sosial dengan gejala sosial lain (Soerjono Soekanto)
• Antropologi hukum, yakni suatu cabang ilmu pengetahuan yang mempelajari pola-pola sengketa dan penyelesaiannya pada masyarakat sederhana, maupun masyarakat yang sedang mengalami proses perkembangan dan pembangunan/proses modernisasi (Charles Winick).
• Perbandingan hukum, yakni suatu metode studi hukum yang mempelajari perbedaan sistem hukum antara negara yang satu dengan yang lain. Atau membanding-bandingkan sistem hukum positif dari bangsa yang satu dengan bangsa yang lain
• Psikologi hukum, yakni suatu cabang pengetahuan yang mempelajari hukum sebagai suatu perwujudan perkembangan jiwa manusia (Purnadi Purbacaraka).
E. Metode Pendekatan Mempelajari Hukum
  1. Metode Idealis ; bertitik tolak dari pandangan bahwa hukum sebagai perwujudan dari nilai-nilai tertentu dalam masyarakat
  2. Metode Normatif Analitis ; metode yg melihat hukum sebagai aturan yg abstrak. Metode ini melihat hukum sebagai lembaga otonom dan dapat dibicarakan sebagai subjek tersendiri terlepas dari hal2 lain yang berkaitan dengan peraturan2. Bersifat abstrak artinya kata-kata yang digunakan di dalam setiap kalimat tidak mudah dipahami dan untuk dapat mengetahuinya perlu peraturan-peraturan hukum itu diwujudkan. Perwujudan ini dapat berupa perbuatan-perbuatan atau tulisan. Apabila ditulis, maka sangat penting adalah pilihan dan susunan kata-kata.
  3. Metode Sosiologis; metode yang bertitik tolak dari pandangan bahwa hukum sebagai alat untuk mengatur masyarakat.
  4. Metode Historis ; metode yang mempelajari hukum dengan melihat sejarah hukumnya.
  5. Metode sistematis; metode yang melihat hukum sebagai suatu sistem
  6. Metode Komparatif; metode yang mempelajari hukum dengan membandingkan tata hukum dalam berbagai sistem hukum dan perbandingan hukum di berbagai negara.
BAB II
MANUSIA, MASYARAKAT DAN KAIDAH SOSIAL
A. Hubungan antara manusia, masyarakat dan kaidah sosial
• Manusia sebagai makhluk monodualistik :
Artinya adalah manusia selain sbg makhluk individu (perseorangan) mempunyai kehidupan jiwa yg menyendiri namun manusia juga sebagai makhluk sosial tidak dapat dipisahkan dari masyarakat. Manusia lahir, hidup dan berkembang dan meninggal dunia di dalam masyarakat.
• Menurut Aristoteles (Yunani, 384-322 SM), bahwa manusia itu adalah ZOON POLITICON artinya bahwa manusia itu sbg makhluk pada dasarnya selalu ingin bergaul dan berkumpul dengan sesama manusia lainnya, jadi makhluk yg suka bermasyarakat. Dan oleh karena sifatnya suka bergaul satu sama lain, maka manusia disebut makhluk sosial.
• Terjadilah hubungan satu sama lain yang didasari adanya kepentingan, dimana kepentingan tsb satu sama lain saling berhadapan atau berlawanan dan ini tidak menutup kemungkinan timbul kericuhan. Kepentingan adalah suatu tuntutan perorangan atau kelompok yang diharapkan untuk dipenuhi. Disinilah peran hukum mengatur kepetingan2 tersebut agar kepentingan masing-masing terlindungi, sehingga masing-masing mengetahui hak dan kewajiban. Pada akhirnya dengan adanya hukum masyarakat akan hidup aman, tentram, damai, adil dan makmur.
• Kesimpulan : dimana ada masyarakat disitu ada hukum (ubi societes ibi ius). Hukum ada sejak masyarakat ada. Dapat dipahami disini bahwa hukum itu sesungguhnya adalah produk otentik dari masyarakat itu sendiri yang merupakan kristalisasi dari naluri, perasaan, kesadaran, sikap, perilaku, kebiasaan, adat, nilai, atau budaya yang hidup di masyarakat.
Bagaimana corak dan warna hukum yang dikehendaki untuk mengatur seluk beluk kehidupan masyarakat yang bersangkutanlah yang menentukan sendiri.
Suatu masyarakat yang menetapkan tata hukumnya bagi masyarakat itu sendiri dalam berlakunya tata hukum itu artinya artinya tunduk pada tata hukum hukum itu disebut masyrakat hukum.
Mengapa masyarakat mentaati hukum karena bermacam-macam sebab (Menurut Utrecht) :
• Karena orang merasakan bahwa peraturan2 itu dirasakan sebagai hukum. Mereka benar-benar berkepentingan akan berlakunya peraturan tersebut
• Karena ia harus menerimanya supaya ada rasa ketentraman. Ia menganggap peraturan hukum secara rasional (rationeele aanvaarding). Penerimaan rasional ini sebagai akibat adanya sanksi hukum. Agar tidak mendapatkan kesukaran2 orang memilih untuk taat saja pada peraturan hukum karena melanggar hukum mendapat sanksi hukum.
B. Masyarakat dan Lembaga Kemasyarakatan (Kaidah Sosial)
1. Definisi masyarakat :
• Menurut Ralph Linton, masyarakat merupakan setiap kelompok manusia yang hidup dan bekerja bersama cukup lama sehingga mereka dapat mengatur diri mereka dan menganggap diri mereka sebagai suatu kesatuan sosial dengan batas-batas yang dirumuskan dengan jelas.
• Menurut Selo Soemarjan, masyarakat adalah orang yang hidup bersama, yang menghasilkan kebudayaan.
• Menurut CST. Kansil, SH, masyarakat adalah persatuan manusia yang timbul dari kodrat yang sama. Jadi masyarakat itu terbentuk apabila ada dua orang atau lebih hidup bersama sehingga dalam pergaulan hidup timbul berbagai hubungan yang mengakibatkan seorang dan orang lain saling kenal mengenal dan pengaruh mempengaruhi.
Unsur masyarakat :
– manusia yang hidup bersama
– berkumpul dan bekerja sama untuk waktu lama
– merupakan satu kesatuan
– merupakan suatu sistem hidup bersama.
Dalam masyarakat terdapat pelbagai golongan dan aliran. Namun walaupun golongan itu beraneka ragam dan masing-masing mempunyai kepentingan sendiri-sendiri akan tetapi kepentingan bersama mengharuskan adanya ketertiban dalam kehidupan masyarakat itu. Adapun yang memimpin kehidupan bersama, yang mengatur tingkah laku manusia dalam masyarakat ialah peraturan hidup.
Agar supaya dapat memenuhi kebutuan-kebutuhannya dengan aman dan tentram dan damai tanpa gangguan, maka tidap manusia perlu adanya suatu tata (orde – ordnung). Tata itu berwjud aturan yang menjadi pedoman bagi segala tingkah laku manusia dalam pergaulan hidup, sehingga kepentingan masing-masing dapat terpelihara dan terjamin. Setiap anggota masyarakat mengetahui hak dan kewajiban.
Tata tersebut sering disebut kaidah atau norma.
2. Kaidah/norma Sosial :
Adalah patokan-patokan atau pedoman-pedoman perihal tingkah laku dan perikelakuan yang diharapkan.
Kaidah berasal dari bahasa Arab atau Norma berasal dari bahasa Latin
Kaidah/Norma berisi :
Perintah, yang merupakan keharusan bagi seseorang untuk berbuat sesuatu oleh karena akibat2nya dipandang baik.
Larangan, yang merupakan keharusan bagi seseorang untuk tidak berbuat sesuatu oleh karena akibat-akibatnya dipandang tidak baik.
Guna kaidah/norma tersebut adalah untuk memberi petunjuk kepada manusia bagaimana seorang harus bertindak dalam masyarakat serta perbuatan-perbuatan mana yang harus dijalankan dan perbuatan-perbuatan mana pula yang harus dihindari.
Kaidah sosial dibedakan menjadi :
1. Kaidah yang mengatur kehidupan pribadi manusia yang dibagi lebih lanjut menjadi :
a. Kaidah kepercayaan/agama, yang bertujuan untuk mencapai suatu kehidupan yang beriman (Purnadi Purbacaraka 1974 : 4). Kaidah ini ditujukan terhadap kewajiban manusia kepada Tuhan. Sumbernya adalah ajaran-ajaran kepercayaan/agama yang oleh pengikut-pengikutnya dianggap sebagai perintah Tuhan, misalnya :
– Dan janganlah kamu mendekati zina, sesungguhnya zina adalah suatu perbuatan yang keji dan suatu jalan yang buruk (Al Isra’ : 32).
– Hormatilah orang tuamu agar supaya engkau selamat (Kitab Injil Perjanjian Lama : Hukum yang ke V).
b.Kaidah kesusilaan, yang bertujuan agar manusia hidup berakhlak atau mempunyai hati nurani. Kaidah ini merupakan peraturan hidup yang dianggap sebagai suara hati nurani manusia (insan kamil). Sumber kaidah ini adalah dari manusia sendiri, jadi bersifat otonom dan tidak ditujukan kepada sikap lahir tetapi ditujukan kepada sikap batin manusia juga, misalnya :
– Hendaklah engkau berlaku jujur.
– Hendaklah engkau berbuat baik terhadap sesama manusia.
Dalam kaidah kesusilaan tedapat juga peraturan-peraturan hidup seperti yang terdapat dalam norma agama misalnya :
– Hormatilah orangtuamu agar engkau selamat diakhirat
– Jangan engkau membunuh sesamamu
2. Kaidah yang mengatur kehidupan antara manusia atau pribadi yang dibagi lebih lanjut menjadi :
a.Kaidah kesopanan, bertujuan agar pergaulan hidup berlangsung dengan menyenangkan. Kaidah ini merupakan peraturan hidup yang timbul dari pergaulan segolongan manusia, misalnya :
– Orang muda harus menghormati orang yang lebih tua
– Janganlah meludah dilantai atau disembarang tempat.
– Berilah tempat terlebih dahulu kepada wanita di dalam kereta api, bis dll (terutama wanita tua, hamil atau membawa bayi)
b. Kaidah hukum, bertujuan untuk mencapai kedamaian dalam pergaulan hidup antar manusia. Kaidah ini adalah peraturan-peraturan yang timbul dari norma hukum, dibuat oleh penguasa negara. Isinya mengikat setiap orang dan pelaksanaannya dapat dipertahankan dengan segala paksaan oleh alat-alat negara misalnya “Dilarang mengambil milik orang lain tanpa seizin yang punya”.
Perbedaan antara kaidah hukum dengan kaidah sosial lainnya :
1. Perbedaan antara kaidah dengan kaidah agama dan kesusilaan dapat ditinjau dari berbagai segi sbb :
• Ditinjau dari tujuannya, kaidah hukum bertujuan untuk menciptakan tata tertib masyarakat dan melindungi manusia beserta kepentingannya. Sedangkan kaidah agama dan kesusilaan bertujuan untuk memperbaiki pribadi agar menjadi manusia ideal.
• Ditinjau dari sasarannya : kaidah hukum mengatur tingkah laku manusia dan diberi sanksi bagi setiap pelanggarnya, sedangkan kaidah agama dan kaidah kesusilaan mengatur sikap batin manusia sebagai pribadi. Kaidah hukum menghendaki tingkah laku manusia sesuai dengan aturan sedangkan kaidah agama dan kaidah kesusilaan menghendaki sikap batin setia pribadi itu baik.
• Ditinjau dari sumber sanksinya, kaidah hukum dan kaidah agama sumber sanksinya berasal dari luar dan dipaksakan oleh kekuasaan dari luar diri manusia (heteronom), sedangkan kaidah kesusilaan sanksinya berasal dan dipaksakan oleh suara hati masing2 pelanggarnya (otonom).
• Ditinjau dari kekuatan mengikatnya, pelaksanaan kaidah hukum dipaksakan secara nyata oleh kekuasaan dari luar, sedangkan pelaksanaan kaidah agama dan kesusilaan pada asasnya tergantng pada yang bersangkutan.
• Ditinjau dari isinya kaidah hukum memberikan hak dan kewajiban (atribut dan normatif) sedang kaidah agama dan kaidah kesusilaan hanya memberikan kewajiban saja (normatif).
2. Perbedaan antara kaidah hukum dengan kaidah kesopanan
– Kaidah hukum memberi hak dan kewajiban, kaidah kesopanan hanya memberikan kewajiban saja.
– Sanksi kaidah hukum dipaksakan dari masyarakat secara resmi (negara), sanksi kaidah kesopanan dipaksakan oleh masyarakat secara tidak resmi.
3. Perbedaan antara kaidah kesopanan dengan kaidah agama dan kaidah kesusilaan
– Asal kaidah kesopanan dasri luar diri manusia, kaidah agama dan kaidah kesusilaan berasal dari pribadi manusia
– Kaidah kesopanan berisi aturan yang ditujukan kepada sikap lahir manusia, kaidah agama dan kaidah kesusilaan berisi aturan yang ditujukan kepada sikap batin manusia
– Tujuan kaidah kesopanan menertibkan masyarakat agar tidak ada korban, kaidah agama dan kaidah kesusilaan bertujuan menyempurnakan manusia agar tidak menjadi manusia jahat.
Ciri-ciri kaidah hukum yang membedakan dengan kaidah lainnya :
– Hukum bertujuan untuk menciptakan keseimbangan antara kepentingan
– Hukum mengatur perbuatan manusia yang bersifat lahiriah
– Hukum dijalankan oleh badan-badan yang diakui oleh masyarakat
– Hukum mempunyai berbagai jenis sanksi yang tegas dan bertingkat
– Hukum bertujuan untuk mencapai kedamaian (ketertiban dan ketentraman)
Mengapa kaidah hukum masih diperlukan, sementara dalam kehidupan masyarakat sudah ada kaidah yang mengatur tingkah laku manusia dalam pergaulan hidupnya ?
Hal ini karena :
– Masih banyak kepentingan-kepentingan lain dari manusia dalam pergaulan hidup yang memerlukan perlindungan karena belum mendapat perlindungan yang sepenuhnya dari kaidah agama, kesusilaan dan kaidah sopan santun, kebiasaan maupun adat.
– Kepentingan-kepentingan manusia yang telah mendapat perlindungan dari kaidah-kaidah tersebut diatas, dirasa belum cukup terlindungi karena apabila terjadi pelanggaran terhadap kaidah tersebut akibat atau ancamannya dipandang belum cukup kuat.
BAB III
PENGERTIAN, UNSUR DAN SIFAT-SIFAT HUKUM
A. Aneka arti hukum
1. Hukum dalam arti ketentuan penguasa
Disini hukum adalah perangkat-peraturan peraturan tertulis yang dibuat oleh pemerintah melalui badan-badan yang berwenang
2. Hukum dalam arti para petugas
Disini hukum adalah dibayangkan dalam wujud petugas yang berseragam dan bisa bertindak terhadap orang-orang yang melakukan tindakan-tindakan yang membahayakan warga masyarakat, seperti petugas Polisi patroli, Jaksa dan hakim dengan toganya. Disini hukum dilihat dalam arti wujud fisik yg ditampilkan dalam gambaran orang2 yang bertugas menegakkan hukum.
3. Hukum dalam arti sikap tindak
Yaitu hukum sebagai perilaku yang ajeg atau sikap tindak yang teratur. Hukum ini tidak nampak seperti dalam arti petugas yang patroli, yang memeriksa orang yang mencuri atau hakim yang mengadili, melainkan menghidup bersama dengan perilaku individu terhadap yang lain secara terbiasa dan senantiasa terasa wajar serta rasional. Dalam hal ini sering disebut hukum sebagai suatu kebiasaan (hukum kebiasaan). Contoh seorang mahasiswa “A” numpang sewa kamar kepada keluarga “Z”, ia tiap bulan bayar uang yg menjadi kewajibannya kepada “Z” sedangkan “Z” menerima haknya, disamping melakukan kewajibannya menyediakan segala sesuatu yang diperlukan “A”. Tiap pagi “A” ke kampus naik becak, tawar menawar, ia naik sampai ke tempat tujuan tanpa pikir ia membayarnya. Lama kelamaan “A” mengenal tukang becak dengan baik, maka untuk kuliah begitu melihat tukang becak segera naik tanpa pikir-pikir ia bayar, malahan kadang2 ia hanya berkata bayarnya nanti saja sekalian seminggu. Ini dilihat dari “A” dan masyarakat sekelilingnya dan apabila pengalaman2 semacam ini digabungkan maka hubungan menjadi luas dan rumit, namun tetap terwujud keteraturan karena bekerjanya hukum yang mewarnai sikap tindak atau perilaku masing2 individu dalam masyarakat secara biasa. Disini hukum bekerja mengatur sikap tindak warga masyarakat sedemikian rupa sehingga hukum terlihat sebagai sikap tindak yang tanpak di dalam pergaulan sehari2, ia merupakan suatu kebiasaan (Hukum kebiasaan).
4. Hukum dalam arti sistem kaidah
adalah :
a. Suatu tata kaidah hukum yang merupakan sistem kaidah-kaidah secara hirarkis
b. Susunan kaidah-kaidah hukum yang sangat disederhanakan dari tingkat bawah ke atas meliputi :
– Kaidah-kaidah individual dari badan2 pelaksana hukum terutama pengadilan
– Kaidah-kaidah umum didalam UU hukum atau hukum kebiasaan
– Kaidah-kaidah konstitusi
c. Sahnya kaidah2 hukum dari golongan tingkat yang lebih rendah tergantung atau ditentukan oleh kaidah2 yang termasuk golongan tingkat yang lebih tinggi.
5. Hukum dalam arti jalinan nilai
Hukum dalam artian ini bertujuan mewujudkan keserasian dan kesinambungan antar faktor nilai obyektif dan subyektif dari hukum demi terwujudnya nilai-nilai keadilan dalam hubungan antara individu di tengah pergaulan hidupnya. Nilai objektif tsb misalnya ttg baik buruk, patut dan tidak patut (umum), sedangkan nilai subjektif memberikan keputusan bagi keadilan sesuai keadaan pada suatu tempat , waktu dan budaya masyarakat (khusus). Inilah yg perlu diserasikan antara kepentingan publik, kepentingan privat dan dengan kepentingan individu.
6. Hukum dalam arti tata hukum
Hukum disini adalah tata hukum atau kerapkali disebut sebagai hukum positif yaitu hukum yang berlaku disuatu tempat, pada saat tertentu (sekarang misalnya di Indonesia). Hukum positif tsb misalnya hukum publik (HTN, HAN, Pidana, internasional publik), hukum privat (perdata, dagang, dll)
7. Hukum dalam ilmu hukum
Disini hukum berarti ilmu tentang kaidah atau normwissenschaft atau sallenwissenschaft yaitu ilmu yang menelaah hukum sebagai kaidah atau sistem kaidah-kaidah, dengan dogmatik hukum dan sistematik hukum. Dalam arti ini hukum dilihatnya sebagai ilmu pengetahuan atau science yang merupakan karya manusia yang berusaha mencari kebenaran tentang sesuatu yang memiliki ciri-ciri, sistimatis, logis, empiris, metodis, umum dan akumulatif.
• Normwissenschaft adalah ilmu pengetahuan tentang kaidah/norma
• Sollenwissenschaft adalah ilmu pengetahuan tentang seharusnya.
8. Hukum dalam arti disiplin hukum atau gejala sosial
Dalam hal ini hukum sebagai gejala dan kenyataan yang ada ditengah masyarakat. Secara umum disiplin hukum menyangkut ilmu hukum ((ilmu pengertian, ilmu kaidah dan ilmu kenyataan), politik hukum dan filsafat hukum (ketiganya akan dibicarakan dimuka).
Ilmu hukum adalah ilmu pengetahuan yang berusaha menelaah hukum. Ilmu hukum mencakup dan membicarakan segala hal yang berhubungan dengan hukum. Ilmu hukum objeknya hukum itu sendiri.
Politik hukum adalah mencakup kegiatan2 mencari dan memilih nilai2 dan menerapkan nilai2 tersebut bagi hukum dalam mencapai tujuannya.
Filsafat hukum adalah perenungan dan perumusan nilai2, juga mencakup penyesuaian nilai2, misalnya penyerasian antara ketertiban dengan ketentraman, antara kebendaan dengan keakhlakan dan antara kelanggengan dan pembaharuan.
Ilmu tentang pengertian hukum (begriffeissenschaft) yg dibahas adalah :
1. Masyarakat hukum
2. Subyek hukum
3. Objek hukum
4. Hubungan hukum (peristiwa hukum)
5. Hak dan kewajiban
Ilmu tentang kaidah (Normwiseenschaft) yg dibahas adalah
1. Perumusan norma/kaidah hukum
2. Apa yg dimaksud kaidah abstrak dan konkret
3. Isi dan sifat kaidah hukum
4. Esensialia kaidah hukum
5. Tugas dan kegunaan kaidah hukum
6. Pernyataan dan tanda pernyataan kaidah hukum
7. Penyimpangan terhadap kaidah hukum
8. Berlakunya kaidah hukum
Ilmu tentang kenyataan (taatsashenwissenschaft) hukum yang dibahasa adalah :
1. Sejarah hukum
2. Sosiologi hukum
3. Psikologi
4. Perbandingan hukum
5. Antropologi hukum
Nilai2 dasar hukum (Radbruch) :
1. Keadilan
2. Kemamfaatan/kegunaan
3. Kepastian hukum
B. Berbagai Definisi Hukum :
Begitu banyak definisi hukum dikemukakan oleh ilmuan hukum yang tentu saja sangat berguna dalam hal berikut :
  1. Berguna sebagai pegangan awal bagi orang yang ingin mempelajari hukum, khususnya bagi kalangan pemula.
  2. Berguna bagi kalangan yang ingin lebih jauh memperdalam teori hukum, ilmu hukum, filsafat hukum dan sebagainya.
Arnold (Achmad Ali, 1996 : 27) salah seorang sosiolog, mengakui bahwa dalam kenyataan hukum memang tidak akan pernah dapat didefinisikan secara lengkap, jelas dan tegas. Sehingga sampai sekarang ini tidaka da kesepakatan bersama tentang definisi hukum. Namun Arnold juga menyadari bahwa bagaimanapun para juris tetap akan terus berjuang mencari bagaimana hukum didefinisikan  sebab definisi hukum merupakan bagian yang substansial dalam meberi arti keberadaan hukum sebagai ilmu. Hukum juga merupakan sesuatu yang rasional dan dimungkinkan untuk dibuatkan definisi sebagai penghormatan para juris terhadap eksistensi hukum.
Sebagai pegangan bagi mahasiswa atau bagi orang yang baru belajar hukum, perlu ada definisi hukum sebagai pegangan dalam mencoba mengetahui dan memahami hukum baik secara praktis maupun secara formil
Berikut beberapa definisi hukum yang dikemukakan para ahli hukum (juris) berdasarkan aliran atau paham yang dianutnya :
1. Van Apeldoorn, hukum itu banyak seginya dan demikian luasnya sehingga tidak mungkin menyatakanya dalam (satu) rumusan yang memuaskan.
2. I Kisch, oleh karena hukum itu tidak dapat ditangkap oleh panca indera maka sukarlah untuk membuat definisi tentang hukum yang memuaskan.
3. Lemaire, hukum yang banyak seginya dan meliputi segala macam hal itu menyebabkan tak mungkin orang membuat suatu definisi apapun hukum itu sebenarnya.
4. Grotius, hukum adalah aturan-aturan tingkah laku yang dibuat menjadi kewajiban melalui sanksi-sanksi yang djatuhkan terhadap setiap pelanggaran dan kejahatan melalui suatu otoritas pengendalian.
5. Aristoteles, hukum adalah sesuatu yang berbeda daripada sekadar mengatur dan mengekpresikan bentuk dari kontitusi dan hukum berfungsi untuk mengatur tingkah laku hakim dan putusannya di pengadilan untk menjatuhkan hukuman terhadap pelangggar.
6. Schapera, hukum adalah setiap aturan tingkah laku yang mungkin diselenggarakan oleh pengadilan.
7. Paul Bohannan, hukum adalah merupakan himpunan kewajiban yang telah dilembagakan kembali dalam pranata hukum.
8. Pospisil, hukum adalah aturan-aturan tingkah laku yang dibuat menjadi kewajiban melalui sanksi-sanksi yang dijatuhkan terhadap setiap pelanggaran dan kejahatan melalui suatuotoritas pengendalian.
9. Karl von savigny, hukum adalah aturan yang tebentuk melalui kebiasaan dan perasaan kerakyatan, yaitu melalui pengoperasian kekuasaan secara diam-diam. Hukum berakar pada sejarah manusia, dimana akarnya dihidupkan oleh kesadaran, keyakinan dan kebiasaan warga masyarakat.
10. Marxist, hukum adalah suatu pencerminan dari hubungan umum ekonomis dalam masyarakat pada suatu tahap perkembangan tertentu.
11. John Austin, melihat hukum sebagai perangkat perintah, baik langsung maupun tidak langsung dari pihak yang berkuasa kepada warga rakyatnya yang merupakan masyarakat politik yang independen, dimana otoritasnya (pihak yang berkuasa) meruipakan otoritas tertinggi.
Kelemahan pandangan John Austin sebagai berikut :
1. Hukum dilihat semata-mata sebagai kaidah bersanksi yang dibuat dan diberlakukan oleh negara, padahal di dalam kenyataannya kaidah tersebut belum tentu berlaku.
2. Undang-undang yang dibuat oleh negara, hanya salah satu sumber-sumber hukum
3. Hanya warga masyarakat yang dilihat sebagai subjek hukum, padahal dalam kenyataannya dikenal pula adanya hukum tata negara, hukum administrasi negara, dsb.
12. Hans Kelsen, hukum adalah suatu perintah terhadap tingkah laku manusia. Hukum adalah kaidah primer yang menetapkan sanksi-sanksi. 13 Paul 13. Scholten, hukum adalah suatu petunjuk tentang apa yang layak dilakukan dan apa yang tidak layak untuk dilakukan yang bersifat perintah.
14. van Kan, hukum adalah keseluruhan aturan hidup yang bersifat memaksa untuk melindungi kepentingan manusia di dalam masyarakat.
15. Eugen Ehrlich (Jerman), sesuatu yang berkaitan denagan fungsi kemasyarakatan dan memandang sumber hukum hanya dari legal history and jurisprudence dan living law (hukum yang hidup didalam masyarakat).
16. Bellefroid, hukum adalah kaidah hukum yang berlaku dimasyarakat yang mengatur tata tertib masyarakat dan didasarkan atas kekuasaan yang ada di dalam masyarakat.
17. Holmes (HakimAmerika Serikat), hukum adalah apa yang dikerjakan dan diputuskan oleh pengadilan.
18. Salmond, hukum adalah kumpulan-kumpulan asas-asas yang diakui dan diterapkan oleh negara di dalam pengadilan.
19. Roscoe Pound, hukum itu dibedakan dalam arti :
1. Hukum dalam arti sebagai tata hukum, mempunyai pokok bahasan :
-  hubungan antara manusia denagan individu lainnya
- tingkah laku para individu yang mempengaruhi individu lainnya.
2. Hukum dalam arti kumpulan dasar-dasar kewenangan dari putusan-putusan pengadilan dan tindakan administrasi. Pandangan Roscoe Pound tergolong dalam aliran sosiologis dan realis.
20. Liwellyn, hukum adalah apa yang diputuskan oleh seorang hakim tentang suatu persengketaan adalah hukum itu sendiri.
21. Drs. E. Utrecht, SH, Hukum adalah himpunan peraturan-peraturan (perintah-perintah dan larangan-larangan) yang mengurus tata tertib suatu masyarakat dan karena itu harus ditaati oleh masyarakat itu.
22. SM. Amin, SH, Hukum adalah kumpulan peraturan-peraturan yang terdiri dari norma dan sanksi-sanksi.
23. J.C.T. Simorangkir, SH & Woerjono Sastroparnoto, Hukum adalah peraturan-peraturan yang bersifat memaksa, yang menentukan tingkah laku manusia dalam lingkungan masyarakat yang dibuat oleh badan-badan resmi yang berwajib, pelanggaran mana terhadap peraturan-peraturan tadi berakibat diambilnya tindakan yaitu hukuman tertentu
24. M.H. Tirtaatmidjaja, SH
Hukum adalah semua aturan (norma yang harus diturut dalam tingkah laku tindakan-tindakan dalam pergaulan hidup dengan ancaman mesti mengganti kerugian —- jika melanggar aturan-aturan itu akan membahayakan diri sendiri atau harta, umpamanya orang akan kehilangan kemerdekaannya, di denda dsb.
25. Van Vollenhoven (Het adatrecht van Nederlandsche Indie), Hukum adalah suatu gejala dalam pergaulan hidup yang bergejolak terus menerus dalam keadaan bentur membentur tanpa henti-hentinya dengan gejala lainnya.
26. Wirjono Prodjodikoro, hukum adalah rangkaian peraturan2 mengenai tingkah laku orang-orang sebagai anggota suatu masyarakat.
27. Soerojo Wignjodipoero, hukum adalah himpunan peraturan2 hidup yang bersifat memaksa, berisikan suatu perintah, larangan atau perizinan untuk bebruat tidak bebruat sesuatu serta dengan maksud untuk mengatur tata tertib dalam kehidupan masyarakat.
C. Isi kaidah hukum :
Ditinjau dari segi isinya kaidah hukum dapat dibagi menjadi tiga :
1. Berisi tentang perintah, artinya kaidah hukum tersebut mau tidak mau harus dijalankan atau ditaati, misalnya ketentuan syarat sahnya suatu perkawinan, ketentuan wajib pajak dsb.
2. Berisi larangan, yaitu ketentuan yang menghendaki suatu perbuatan tidak boleh dilakukan misalnya dilarang mengambil barang milik orang lain, dilarang bersetubuh dengan wanita yang belum dinikahi secara sah dsb.
3. Berisi perkenan, yaitu ketentuan yang tidak mengandung perintah dan larangan melainkan suatu pilihan boleh digunakan atau tidak, namun bila digunakan akan mengikat bagi yang menggunakannya, misalnya mengenai perjanjian perkawinan, pada waktu atau sebelum perkawinan dilangsungkan kedua belah pihak atas persetujuan bersama dapat mengadakan perjanjian tertulis yang disahkan oleh pegawai pencatat perkawinan. Ketentuan ini boleh dilakukan boleh juga tidak dilaksanakan.
Unsur-unsur kaidah hukum :
Dari beberapa perumusan tentang hukum yang diberikan para sarjana hukum Indonesia diatas, dapatlah disimpulkan bahwa kaidah hukum itu meliputi beberapa unsur yaitu :
a. Peraturan mengenai tingkah laku manusia dalam pergaulan masyarakat
b. Peraturan itu diadakan oleh badan-badan resmi yang berwajib
c. Peraturan itu bersifat memaksa
d. Sanksi terhadap pelanggaran peraturan tersebut adalah tegas
BAB IV
TUJUAN, FUNGSI DAN SUMBER-SUMBER HUKUM
A. Tujuan hukum menurut teori
1.  Teori etis (etische theorie)
Teori ini mengajarkan bahwa hukum bertujuan semata-mata untuk mencapai keadilan. Menurut teori ini, isi hukum semata-mata harus ditentukan oleh kesadaran etis kita mengenai apa yang adil dan apa yang tidak adil. Teori ini pertama kali dikemukakan oleh Aristoteles filsuf Yunani dalam bukunya Ethica Nicomachea dan Rhetorica yang menyatakan ”hukum mempunyai tugas yang suci yaitu memberi kepada setiap orang yang berhak menerimanya”.  Selanjutnya Aristoteles membagi keadilan dalam 2 jenis, yaitu :
  1. Keadilan distributif, yaitu keadilan yang memberikan kepada setiap orang jatah menurut jasanya. Artinya, keadilan ini tidak menuntut supaya setiap orang mendapat bagian yang sama banyaknya atau bukan persamaannya, melainkan kesebandingan berdasarkan prestasi dan jasa seseorang.
  2. Keadilan komutatif, yaitu keadilan yang memberikan kepada setiap orang jatah yang sama banyaknya tanpa mengingat jasa masing-masing. Artinya hukum menuntut adanya suatu persamaan dalam memperoleh prestasi atau sesuatu hal tanpa memperhitungkan jasa masing-masing.
Keadilan menurut Aristoteles bukan berarti penyamarataan atau tiap-tiap orang memperoleh bagian yg sama.
2. Teori utilitas (utiliteis theorie)
Menurut teori ini, tujuan hukum ialah menjamin adanya kemamfaatan atau kebahagiaan sebanyak-banyaknya pada orang sebanyak-banyaknya. Pencetus teori ini adalah Jeremy Betham. Dalam bukunya yang berjudul “introduction to the morals and legislation” berpendapat bahwa hukum bertujuan untuk mewujudkan semata-mata apa yang berfaedah/mamfaat bagi orang.
Apa yang dirumuskan oleh Betham tersebut diatas hanyalah memperhatikan hal-hal yang berfaedah dan tidak mempertimbangkan tentang hal-hal yang konkrit. Sulit bagi kita untuk menerima anggapan Betham ini sebagaimana yang telah dikemukakan diatas, bahwa apa yang berfaedah itu belum tentu memenuhi nilai keadilan atau dengan kata lain apabila yang berfaedah lebih ditonjolkan maka dia akan menggeser  nilai keadilan kesamping, dan jika kepastian oleh karena hukum merupakan tujuan utama dari hukum itu, hal ini akan menggeser nilai kegunaan atau faedah dan nilai keadilan.
3. Teori campuran
Teori ini dikemukakan oleh Muckhtar Kusmaatmadja bahwa tujuan pokok dan pertama dari hukum adalah ketertiban. Di samping itu tujuan lain dari hukum adalah tercapainya keadilan yang berbeda-beda isi dan ukurannya menurut masyarakat dan zamannya.
4.Teori normatif-dogmatif, tujuan hukum adalah semata-mata untuk menciptakan kepastian hukum (John Austin dan van Kan). Arti kepastian hukum disini adalah adanya melegalkan kepastian hak dan kewajiban.
Van Kan berpendapat tujuan hukum adalah menjaga setiap kepentingan manusia agar tidak diganggu dan terjaminnya kepastiannya.
5. Teori Peace (damai sejahtera)
Menurut teori ini dalam keadaan damai sejahtera (peace) terdapat kelimpahan, yang kuat tidak menindas yang lemah, yang berhak benar-benar mendapatkan haknya dan adanya perlindungan bagi rakyat. Hukum harus dapat menciptakan damai dan sejahtera bukan sekedar ketertiban.
B. Tujuan hukum menurut pendapat ahli :
1. Purnadi dan Soejono Soekanto, tujuan hukum adalah kedamaian hidup antar pribadi yang meliputi ketertiban ekstern antar pribadi dan ketenangan intern pribadi
2. van Apeldoorn, tujuan hukum adalah mengatur pergaulan hidup manusia secara damai. Hukum menghendaki perdamaian. Perdamain diantara manusia dipertahankan oleh hukum dengan melindungi kepentingan-kepentingan hukum manusia tertentu, kehormatan, kemerdekaan, jiwa, harta benda terhadap pihak yg merugikan.
3. R. Soebekti, tujuan hukum adalah bahwa hukum itu mengabdi kepada tujuan negara yaitu mendatangkan kemakmuran dan kebahagiaan para rakyatnya. Hukum melayani tujuan negara tersebut dengan menyelenggarakan “keadilan” dan “ketertiban”.
4.Aristoteles, hukum mempunyai tugas yang suci yaitu memberi kepada setiap orang yang ia berhak menerimanya. Anggapan ini berdasarkan etika dan berpendapat bahwa hukum bertugas hanya membuat adanya keadilan saja.
5. SM. Amin, SH tujuan hukum adalah mengadakan ketertiban dalam pergaulan manusia, sehingga keamanan dan ketertiban terpelihara.
6.Soejono Dirdjosisworo, tujuan hukum adalah melindungi individu dalam hubngannya dengan masyarakat, sehingga dengan demikian dapat diiharapkan terwujudnya keadaan aman, tertib dan adil
7.  Roscoe Pound, hukum bertujuan untuk merekayasa masyarakat artinya hukum sebagai alat perubahan sosial (as a tool of social engeneering), Intinya adalah hukum disini sebagai sarana atau alat untuk mengubah masyarakat ke arah yang lebih baik, baik secara pribadi maupun dalam hidup masyarakat.
8.Bellefroid, tujuan hukum adalah menambah kesejahteraan umum atau kepentingan umum yaitu kesejahteraan atau kepentingan semua anggota2 suatu masyarakat.
9.Van Kant, hukum bertujuan menjaga kepentingan tiap2 manusia supaya kepentingan itu tidak dapat diganggu
10.Suharjo (mantan menteri kehakiman), tujuan hukum adalah untuk mengayomi manusia baik secara aktif maupun secara pasif. Secara aktif dimaksudkan sebagai upaya untuk menciptakan suatu kondisi kemasyarakatan yang manusia dalam proses yang berlangsung secara wajar. Sedangkan yang dimaksud secara pasif adalah mengupayakan pencegahan atas upaya yang sewenang-wenang dan penyalahgunaan hak secara tidak adil.
Usaha mewujudkan pengayoman ini termasuk di dalamnya diantaranya :
– mewujudkan ketertiban dan keteraturan
– mewujudkan kedamaian sejati
– mewujudkan keadilan bagi seluruh masyarakat
– mewujudkan kesejahteraan seluruh rakyat
Kesimpulan Tujuan Hukum :
1. Tujuan hukum itu sebenarnya menghendaki adanya keseimbangan kepentingan, ketertiban, keadilan, ketentraman, kebahagiaan,damani sejahtera setiap manusia.
2. Dengan demikian jelas bahwa yang dikehendaki oleh hukum adalah agar kepentingan setiap orang baik secara individual maupun kelompok tidak diganggu oleh orang atau kelompok lain yang selalu menonjolkan kepentingan pribadinya atau kepentingan kelompoknya.
3. Inti tujuan hukum adalah agar tercipta  kebenaran dan keadilan
C. Fungsi Hukum
1. Hukum berfungsi sebagai alat ketertiban dan keteraturan masyarakat. Hukum sbg petunjuk bertingkah laku untuk itu masyarakat harus menyadari adanya perintah dan larangan dalam hukum sehingga fungsi hukum sebagai alat ketertiban masyarakat dapat direalisir.
2. Hukum sebagai sarana untuk mewujudkan keadilan sosial lahir batin. Hukum yg bersifat mengikat, memaksa dan dipaksakan oleh alat negara yang berwenang membuat orang takut untuk melakukan pelanggaran karena ada ancaman hukumanya (penjara, dll) dan dapat diterapkan kepada siapa saja. Dengan demikian keadilan akan tercapai.
3. Hukum berfungsi sebagai alat penggerak pembangunan karena ia mempunyai daya mengikat dan memaksa dapat dimamfaatkan sebagai alat otoritas untuk mengarahkan masyarakat ke arah yg maju.
4. Hukum berfungsi sebagai alat kritik. Fungsi ini berarti bahwa hukum tidak hanya mengawasi masyarakat semata-mata tetapi berperan juga untuk mengawasi pejabat pemerintah, para penegak hukum, maupun aparatur pengawasan sendiri. Dengan demikian semuanya harus bertingkah laku menurut ketentuan yg berlaku dan masyarakt pun akan merasakan keadilan.
5. Hukum berfungsi sebagai sarana untuk menyelesaikan pertingkaian. Contoh kasus tanah.
D. Sumber-sumber hukum :
1.Pengertian sumber hukum
Sumber hukum adalah segala apa saja (sesuatu) yang menimbulkan aturan-aturan yg mempunyai kekuatan mengikat dan bersifat memaksa, yakni aturan-aturan yang kalau dilanggar mengakibatkan sanksi yang tegas dan nyata bagi pelanggarnya.
Yang dimaksud dengan segala apa saja (sesuatu) yakni faktor-faktor yang berpengaruh terhadap timbulnya hukum, faktor-faktor yang merupakan sumber kekuatan berlakunya hukum secara formal, darimana hukum itu dapat ditemukan. dsb.
Kansil , SH sumber hukum adalah segala apa saja yang menimbulkan aturan-aturan yang mempunyai kekuatan yang bersifat memaksa yakni aturan2 yang kalau dilanggar mengakibatkan sanksi yang tegas dan nyata.
Meskipun pengertian sumber hukum dipahami secara beragam, sejalan dengan pendekatan yang digunakan dan sesuaio dengan latar belakang dan pendidikannya, secara umum dapat disebutkan bahwa sumber hukum dipakai orang dalam dua arti. Arti yang pertama untuk menjawab pertanyaan “mengapa hukum itu mengikat ?” Pertanyaan ini bisa juga dirumuskan “apa sumber (kekuatan) hukum hingga mengikat atau dipatuhi manusia”. Pengertian sumber dalam arti ini dinamakan sumbe hukum dalam arti materiil. Kata sumber juga dipakai dalam arti lain, yaitu menjawab pertanyaan “dimanakah kita dapatkan atau temukakan aturan-aturan hukum yanmg mengatur kehidupan kita itu ?” Sumber dalam arti kata ini dinamakan sumber hukum dalam arti formal”. Secara sederhana, sumbe rhukum adalah segala ssuatu yangd apat menimbulkan aturan hukum serta tempat ditemukakannya aturan-aturan hukum.
2. Macam-macam sumber hukum
Sebagaimana diuraikan diatas ada 2 sumber hukum yatu sumber hukum dalam arti materil dan formil.
a. Sumber hukum materiil
Sumber hukum materiil adalah faktor yg turut serta menentukan isi hukum. Dapat ditinjau dari berbagai sudut misalnya sudut ekonomi, sejarah, sosiologi, filsafat, agama, dll. Dalam kata lain sumber hukum materil adalah faktor-faktor masyarakat yang mempengaruhi pembentukan hukum (pengaruh terhadap pembuat UU, pengaruh terhadap keputusan hakim, dsb). Atau faktor yang ikut mempengaruhi materi (isi) dari aturan-aturan hukum, atau tempat darimana materi hukum tiu diambil. Sumber hukum materil ini merupakan faktor yang membantu pembentukan hukum.
Faktor tersebut adalah faktor idiil dan faktor kemasyarakatan.
Faktor idiil adalah patokan-patokan yang tetap mengenai keadilan yang harus ditaati oleh para pembentuk UU ataupun para pembentuk hukum yang lain dalam melaksanakan tugasnya.
Faktor kemasyarakatan adalah hal-hal yang benar-benar hidup dalam masyarakat dan tunduk pada aturan-aturan yang berlaku sebagai petunjuk hidup masyarakat yang bersangkutan. Contohnya struktur ekonomi, kebiasaan, adat istiadat, dll
Dalam berbagai kepustakan hukum ditemukan bahwa sumber hukum materil itu terdiri dari tiga jenis yaitu (van Apeldoorn) :
1) sumber hukum historis (rechtsbron in historischezin) yaitu tempat kita dapat menemukan hukumnya dalam sejarah atau dari segi historis. Sumber hukum ini dibagi menjadi :
a) Sumber hukum yg merupakan tempat dapat ditemukan atau dikenal hukum secara historis : dokumen-dokumen kuno, lontar, dll.
b) Sumber hukum yg merupakan tempat pembentuk UU mengambil hukumnya.
2) sumber hukum sosiologis (rechtsbron in sociologischezin) yaitu Sumber hukum dalam arti sosiologis yaitu merupakan faktor-faktor yang menentukan isi hukum positif, seperti misalnya keadaan agama, pandangan agama, kebudayaan dsb.
3) sumber hukum filosofis (rechtsbron in filosofischezin) sumber hukum ini dibagi lebih lanjut menjadi dua :
a) Sumber isi hukum; disini dinyatakan isi hukum asalnya darimana.
Ada tiga pandangan yang mencoba menjawab pertanyaan ini yaitu :
– pandangan theocratis, menurut pandangan ini hukum berasal dari Tuhan
– pandangan hukum kodrat; menurut pandangan ini isi hukum berasal dari akal manusia
– pandangan mazhab hostoris; menurut pandangan isi hukum berasal dari kesadaran hukum.
b). Sumber kekuatan mengikat dari hukum yaitu mengapa hukum mempuyai kekuatan mengikat, mengapa kita tunduk pada hukum
b. Sumber hukum formal
Sumber hukum formal adalah sumber hukum dengan bentuk tertentu yang merupakan dasar berlakunya hukum secara formal. Jadi sumber hukum formal merupakan dasar kekuatan mengikatnya peraturan-peraturan agar ditaati oleh masyarakat maupun oleh penegak hukum.
Apa beda antara undang-undang dengan peraturan perundang-undangan ? Undang-undang dibuat oleh DPR persetujuan presiden, sedangkan peraturan perundang-undangan dibuat berdasarkan wewenang masing-masing pembuatnya, seperti PP, dll atau
Peraturan Perundang-undangan adalah peraturan tertulis yang dibentuk oleh lembaga negara atau pejabat yang berwenang dan mengikat secara umum (Pasal 1 ayat 2 UU No. 10 tahun 2004)
Macam-macam sumber hukum formal :
A. Undang-undang, yaitu suatu peraturan negara yang mempunyai kekuatan hukum yang mengikat diadakan dan dipelihara oleh penguasa negara
Menurut Buys, Undang-Undang itu mempunyai 2 arti :
  • Dalam arti formil, yaitu setiap keputusan pemerintah yang merupakan UU karena cara pembuatannya (misalnya, dibuat oleh pemerintah bersama-sama dengan parlemen)
  • Dalam arti material, yaitu setiap keputusan pemerintah yang menurut isinya mengikat setiap penduduk.
Menurut UU No. 10 tahun 2004 yang dimaksud dengan UU adalah peraturan perundang-undangan yang dibentuk oleh DPR dengan persetujuan bersama Presiden (pasal 1 angka 3)
Syarat berlakunya ialah diundangkannya dalam lembaran negara (LN = staatsblad) dulu oleh Menteri/Sekretaris negara. Sekarang oleh Menkuhham (UU No. 10 tahun 2004). Tujuannya agar setiap orang dapat mengetahui UU tersebut (fictie=setiap orang dianggap tahu akan UU = iedereen wordt geacht de wet te kennen, nemo ius ignorare consetur= in dubio proreo, latin).
Konsekuensinya adalah ketika seseorang melanggar ketentuan hukum tidak boleh beralasan bahwa ketentuan hukum itu tidak diketahuinya. Artinya apabila suatu ketentuan perundang-undangan itu sudah diberlakukan (diundangkan) maka dianggap (difiksikan) bahwa semua orang telah mengetahuinya dan untuk itu harus ditaati.
Berakhirnya/tidak berlaku lagi jika :
a. Jangka waktu berlakunya telah ditentukan UU itu sudah lampau
b. Keadaan atau hal untuk mana UU itu diadakan sudah tidak ada lagi .
c. UU itu dengan tegas dicabut oleh instansi yang membuat atau instansi yang lebih tinggi.
d. Telah ada UU yang baru yang isinya bertentangan atau berlainan dgn UU yg dulu berlaku.
Lembaran negara (LN) dan berita negara :
LN adalah suatu lembaran (kertas) tempat mengundangkan (mengumumkan) semua peraturan negara dan pemerintah agar sah berlaku. Penjelasan daripada suatu UU dimuat dlm tambahan LN, yg mempunyai nomor urut. LN diterbitkan oleh Menteri sekretaris negara, yg disebut dgn tahun penerbitannya dan nomor berurut, misalnya L.N tahun 1962 No. 1 (L.N.1962/1)
Berita negara adalah suatu penerbitan resmi sekretariat negara yg memuat hal-hal yang berhubungan dengan peraturan-peraturan negara dan pemerintah dan memuat surat-surat yang dianggap perlu seperti : Akta pendirian PT, nama orang-orang yang dinaturalisasi menjadi WNI, dll,
Catatan : Jika berkaitan dengan peraturan daerah diatur dalam lembaran daerah
Kekuatan berlakunya undang-undang :
• UU mengikat sejak diundangkan berarti sejak saat itu orang wajib mengakui eksistensinya UU.
• Sedangkan kekuatan berlakunya UU berarti sudah menyangkut berlakunya UU secara operasional.
• Agar UU mempunyai kekuatan berlaku ahrus memenuhi persyaratan yaitu 1). Kekuatan berlaku yuridis, 2). Kekuatan berlaku sosiologis dan, 3) kekuatan berlaku fiolosofis.
• Hal ini akan dibahas pada bab selanjutnya.
Jenis dan hierarki Peraturan Perundang-undangan adalah sebagai berikut (Pasal 7 UU No. 10/2004) :
1. Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945;
2. Undang-Undang/Peraturan Pemerintah Pengganti Undang-Undang;
3. Peraturan Pemerintah;
4. Peraturan Presiden;
5. Peraturan Daerah (propinsi, kabupaten, desa)
B. Kebiasaan (custom)
Kebiasaan adalah perbuatan manusia yang tetap dilakukan berulang-ulang dalam hal yang sama. Apabila suatu kebiasaan tertentu diterima oleh masyarakat dan kebiasaan itu selalu berulang-ulang dilakukan sedemikan rupa, sehingga tindakan yang berlawanan dengan kebiasaan itu dirasakan sebagai pelanggaran perasaan hukum, maka dengan demikian timbullah suatu kebiasaan hukum, yang oleh pergaulan hidup dipandang sebagai hukum.
Contoh apabila seorang komisioner sekali menerima 10 % dari hsil penjualan atau pembelian sebagai upah dan hal ini terjadi berulang dan juga komisioner yg lainpun menerima upah yang sama yaitu 10 % maka oleh karena itu timbul suatu kebiasaan yg lambat laun berkembang menjadi hukum kebiasaan.
Namun demikian tdk semua kebiasaan itu pasti mengandung hukum yg baik dan adil oleh sebab itu belum tentu kebiasaan atau adat istiadat itu pasti menjadi sumber hukum formal.
Adat kebiasaan tertentu di daerah hukum adat tertentu yg justru sekarang ini dilarang untuk diberlakukan karena dirasakan tidak adil dan tidak berperikemanusiaan sehingga bertentangan denagan Pancasila yang merupakan sumber dari segala sumber hukum, misalnya jika berbuat susila/zinah, perlakunya ditelanjangi kekeliling kampung.
Untuk timbulnya hukum kebiasaan diperlukan beberapa syarat :
1. Adanya perbuatan tertentu yg dilakukan berulang2 di dalam masyarakat tertentu (syarat materiil)
2. Adanya keyakinan hukum dari masyarakat yang bersangkutan (opinio necessitatis = bahwa perbuatan tsb merupakan kewajiban hukum atau demikianlah seharusnya) = syarat intelektual
3. Adanya akibat hukum apabila kebiasaan itu dilanggar.
Selanjutnya kebiasaan akan menjadi hukum kebiasaan karena kebiasaan tersebut dirumuskan hakim dalam putusannya. Selanjutnya berarti kebiasaan adalah sumber hukum.
Kebiasaan adalah bukan hukum apabila UU tidak menunjuknya (pasal 15 AB = (Algemene Bepalingen van Wetgeving voor Indonesia = ketentuan2 umum tentang peraturan per UU an untuk Indonesia
Disamping kebiasaan ada juga peraturan yang mengatur tata pergaulan masyarakat yaitu adat istiadat. Adat istiadat adalah himpunan kaidah sosial yang sudah sejak lama ada dan merupakan tradisi serta lebih banyak berbau sakral, mengatur tata kehidupan masyarakat tertentu. Adat istiadat hidup dan berkembang di masyarakat tertentu dan dapat menjadi hukum adat jika mendapat dukungan sanksi hukum. Contoh Perjanjian bagi hasil antara pemilik sawah dengan penggarapnya. Kebiasaan untuk hal itu ditempat atau wilayah hukum adat tertentu tidak sama dengan yang berlaku di masyarakat hukum adat yang lain. Kebiasaan dan adat istiadat itu kekuatan berlakunya terbatas pada masyarakat tertentu.
C. Jurisprudensi (keputusan2 hakim)
Adalah keputusan hakim yang terdahulu yag dijadikan dasar pada keputusan hakim lain sehingga kemudian keputusan ini menjelma menjadi keputusan hakim yang tetap terhadap persoalan/peristiwa hukum tertentu.
Seorang hakim mengkuti keputusan hakim yang terdahulu itu karena ia sependapat dgn isi keputusan tersebut dan lagi pula hanya dipakai sebagai pedoman dalam mengambil sesuatu keputusan mengenai suatu perkara yang sama.
Ada 2 jenis yurisprudensi :
  1. Yurisprudensi tetap keputusan hakim yg terjadi karena rangkaian keputusan yang serupa dan dijadikan dasar atau patokanuntuk memutuskan suatu perkara (standart arresten)
  2. Yurisprudensi tidak tetap, ialah keputusan hakim terdahulu yang bukan standart arresten.
D.Traktat (treaty)
Traktat adalah perjanjian yang diadakan oleh 2 negara atau lebih yang mengikat tidak saja kepada masing-masing negara itu melainkan mengikat pula warga negara-negara dari negara-negara yang berkepentingan.
Macam-macam Traktat :
a. Traktat bilateral, yaitu traktat yang diadakan hanya oleh 2 negara, misalnya perjanjian internasional yang diadakan diadakan antara pemerintah RI dengan pemerintah RRC tentang “Dwikewarganegaraan”.
b.Traktat multilateral, yaitu perjanjian internaisonal yang diikuti oleh beberapa negara, misalnya perjanjian tentang pertahanan negara bersama negara-negara Eropa (NATO) yang diikuti oleh beberapa negara Eropa.
E. Perjanjian (overeenkomst) adalah suatu peristiwa dimana dua orang atau lebih saling berjanji untuk melakukan atau tidak melakukan perbuatan tertentu. Para pihak yang telah saling sepakat mengenai hal-hal yang diperjanjikan, berkewajiban untuk mentaati dan melaksanakannya (asas (pact sunt servanda). F. Pendapat sarjana hukum (doktrin)
Pendapat sarjanan hukum (doktrin) adalah pendapat seseorang atau beberapa orang sarjana hukum yang terkenal dalam ilmu pengetahuan hukum. Doktrin ini dapat menjadi dasar pertimbangan hakim dalam menjatuhkan putusannya.
Sumber hukum menurut Algra :
1. Sumber materiil, yaitu tempat darimana materi hukum itu diambil. Sumber hukum materiil ini merupakan faktor yang membantu pembentukan hukum, misalnya hubungan sosial, hubungan kekuatan politik, situasi sosial ekonomi, kebudayaan, agama, keadaan geografis, dsb.
2. Sumber hukum formil, yaitu tempat atau sumber dari mana suatu peraturan memperoleh kekuatan hukum. Ini berkaitan dengan bentuk atau cara yang menyebabkan peraturan hukum itu formal berlaku, misalnya UU, perjanjian antar negara, yurisprudensi dan kebiasaan.
Sumber hukum menurut Ahmad Sanusi :
1. Sumber hukum normal :
a.Sumber hukum normal yang langsung atas pengakuan UU yaitu, UU, perjanjian antar negara dan kebiasaan.
b. Sumber hukum normal yang tidak langsung atas pengakuan UU, yaitu perjanjian doktrin dan yurisprudensi.
2. Sumber hukum abnormal yaitu :
a. Proklamasi
b. Revolusi
c. Coup d’etat
Sumber hukum menurut van Apeldoorn :
1. Sumber hukum dalam arti historis, yaitu tempat kita dapat menemukan hukumnya dalam sejarah atau dari segi historis. Sumber hukum ini dibagi menjadi :
a. Sumber hukum yg merupakan tempat dapat ditemukan atau dikenal hukum secara historis : dokumen-dokumen kuno, lontar, dll.
b. Sumber hukum yg merupakan tempat pembentuk UU mengambil hukumnya.
2. Sumber hukum dalam arti sosiologis yaitu merupakan faktor-faktor yang menentukan isi hukum positif, seperti misalnya keadaan agama, pandangan agama, kebudayaan dsb.
3. Sumber hukum dalam arti filosofis, sumber hukum ini dibagi lebih lanjut menjadi dua :
a. Sumber isi hukum; disini dinyatakan isi hukum asalnya darimana.
Ada tiga pandangan yang mencoba menjawab pertanyaan ini yaitu :
– pandangan theocratis, menurut pandangan ini hukum berasal dari Tuhan
– pandangan hukum kodrat; menurut pandangan ini isi hukum berasal dari akal manusia
– pandangan mazhab hostoris; menurut pandangan isi hukum berasal dari kesadaran hukum.
b. Sumber kekuatan mengikat dari hukum yaitu mengapa hukum mempuyai kekuatan mengikat, mengapa kita tunduk pada hukum
4. Sumber hukum dalam arti formil, yaitu sumber hukum dilihat dari cara terjadinya hukum positif merupakan fakta yang menimbulkan hukum yang berlaku yang mengikat hakim dan penduduk.
BAB V
PENGERTIAN DASAR / KONSEP DALAM HUKUM
A.  Subyek hukum dan obyek hukum
  1. Pengertian subyek hukum
-          segala sesuatu yang dapat mempunyai hak dan kewajiban menurut hukum
-          sesuatu pe
          Michael Skahill has been Elected to Board of Directors for Smithfield Foods        
Mr. Michael P. Skahill, the VP of worldwide undertakings for Smithfield Foods, has been chosen to the board of directors of the U.S.-China Agriculture & Food Partnership (AFP).  AFP was made in 2013 with the backing of both the U.S. what's more, Chinese governments to serve as the key open private area organizer for respective nourishment and farming collaboration. AFP joins U.S. also, Chinese open, private and non-legislative associations over the horticulture and sustenance inventory network to progress common nourishment security, sustenance wellbeing and maintainability objectives by advancing participation and best practices between the United States and China.  As VP of worldwide issues for Smithfield, Skahill assumes a key part in driving forward and supporting the work effectively in progress in the advancement of arrangements and procedures to draw in governments, multilateral associations and other key partners in universal markets that are key to Smithfield Foods. Skahill joined Smithfield in 1998 and has likewise served in key universal deals capacities, most as of late as VP of worldwide deals until April 2013.  Preceding joining Smithfield, Skahill had 13 years of universal meat marketing and exchanging knowledge with the Louis Dreyfus Corporation, the United States Meat Export Federation and Cargill, Inc. He holds a degree from Iowa State University and is a local of Dubuque, Iowa. Skahill lives with his family in Williamsburg, Virginia.  Smithfield Foods is a US$15 billion worldwide nourishment organization and the world's biggest pork processor and swine maker. In the United States, the organization is likewise the pioneer in various bundled meats classes with prominent brands including Carando®, Eckrich®, Smithfield®, Farmland®, Cook's®,Armour®, John Morrell®, Nathan's Famous®, Gwaltney®, Kretschmar®, Curly's®, Margherita®, and Healthy Ones®.

Original Post Michael Skahill has been Elected to Board of Directors for Smithfield Foods source Twease
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Almost 2 weeks ago, the United Kingdom applied for the membership of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, commonly called AIIB, a financial institution that is proposed by China and is designed to finance the large-scale infrastructure and construction projects in Asia region. The decision propelled a scornful and oddly public rebuke from Atlantic ally of London, the United States that had lobbied hard in opposition to the bank. Driven by the decision of the United Kingdom, Germany, France, South Korea, and Italy followed suit quickly, with Australia and probably Japan following soon. The AIIB stands for the recent most focal point in a continuing contest between China and the United States for the control of the institutional order that exists in Asia. At the bet are the wealth, power, and the influence that assent to states, which can exercise huge swing over the activities and the agenda of these multilateral firms. Predictably, Washington favors the rules and institutions similar to the World Bank, the IMF, and the Asian Development Bank (ADB), which it established and has headed for decades. For its part, Beijing favors an order, which acknowledges and augments its increasing regional influence. China has won the recent most round of this competition, in part as the United States failed to apply its institutional preponderance to outsmart China and preserve a dominant influence over multilateral bodies in Asia. To be sure, no one concerned in the AIIB mess wants to make off with to real politics, and so every participant has matted for fig leaves. This clash is part of the power struggle among the United States and China, in which each works to create or retain institutions, which can serve as channels for their power in the most populous part of the world.

Original Post New Bank of China Conquered the U.S. Associates source Twease
          IDB – Inter-American Development Bank Logo [PDF]        
The IDB is the main source of multilateral financing in Latin America. It provides solutions to development challenges and support in the key areas of the region.
          International Finance Corporation invests $7 mn in NephroPlus's dialysis provider        
NephroPlusalready operates 26 operates in 10 states, and will open dialysis centers across the country. The International Finance Corporation has invested over Rs 41 crore, USD 7 million in dialysis provider. NephroPlusalso plans to expand high quality kidney care services in India.    The high quality dialysis providers need to scale up to meet India’s enormous healthcare needs and NephroPlusexactly helps to do that said,Venture Capital Lead for South Asia at IFC PravanMalhotra. In addition, providing high quality dialysis care in undeserved marketsimproves the excellenceof life for chronic kidney care patients. He also added that this market will create skilled healthcare jobs in the industry.    This is a valuable investment for NephroPlus that will help the company to leverage IFC’s global healthcare knowledge and industry relationships in the drive to grow quality dialysis care model in India, said NephroPlus Founder and CEO VikramVuppala.    IFC is anenduring partner for NephroPlusthat has significant healthcare expertise and broad network of healthcare across several clients in the emerging markets.    The International Finance Corporation is one of the world’s largest multilateral investor in the medical and private health care sector in the emerging markets. It has a financing of over USD 2.2 billion to 164 private health care and life sciences projects in 53 countries.

Original Post International Finance Corporation invests $7 mn in NephroPlus's dialysis provider source Twease
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Medellín, octubre 03º de 2016 ÁLVARO URIBE VÉLEZ Y UN GRAN PACTO NACIONAL UN AMANECER CON ILUSIONES – Y UN VOTO QUE DEVUELVE LA TRANQUILIDAD QUE AMENAZABA HASTA EL ALMA. “POR ESO QUEREMOS APORTAR UN GRAN PACTO NACIONAL” (Ex Presidente ÁLVARO URIBE VÉLEZ, después de conocer los resultados del plebiscito). “La Paz sí, pero así no”, fue el titular que muchos colombianos después de saberse con absoluta confianza, que la VOTACIÓN por el NO A LOS ACUERDOS DE LA HABANA, había triunfado en contra de todos los pronósticos, incluso de muchos que lo acompañaban, y no por falta de confianza o convicción de las mayorías que se tenían, sino por la “maquinaría delictual montada desde el gobierno, en contubernio malévolo con los terroristas de las FARC, para que su propuesta COMUNISTA, se impusiera, y empezara a regir, precisamente a partir del día de hoy, octubre 03 de 2016. Este TRIUNFO inmenso de la sensatez, la coherencia, la justicia, la moral pública, de la verdad, la reparación, y entre otros el DERECHO INTERNACIONAL HUMANITARIO y los ACUERDOS MULTILATERALES, como los contenidos en el ESTATUTO DE ROMA, nos llenan de un profundo regocijo, y confianza, en que no solo el “binomio hombre/mujer, triunfó, sino que todo un pueblo respira aliviado de lo que iba a ser, la más profunda ignominia e impunidad en la historia universal. ¿Pero realmente quien o quienes triunfaron en el día que de fatídico se convirtió en el día “D” de la esperanza y un nuevo renacer? PRIMERO Y MÁS IMPORTANTE: COLOMBIA, tanto los del “SI”, como los del “NO”. ¿Y por qué? Por que perseguimos lo mismo. Una Colombia en PAZ, pero con JUSTICIA, DIGNIDAD, VERDAD Y REPARACIÓN. No estamos hoy, en las redes sociales o en nuestras charlas de a diario, alardeando de un resultado; no. No lo podríamos hacer y si lo hiciéramos, tendríamos una “victoria” pírrica y viciada por la arrogancia y prepotencia que nos deslegitimaría. No obstante no podemos dejar de RECONOCER la ORIENTACIÓN, con mesura y sabiduría del SENADOR y EX PRESIDENTE de Colombia, y uno de los diez reformadores del mundo en siglo 20; ÁLVARO URIBE VÉLEZ, y con él, a personajes de la vida nacional, que lo apostaron todo, por el más grande amor de sus amores. Colombia y sus colombianos. CARLOS HOLMES TRUJILLO – OSCAR IVÁN ZULUAGA – PALOMA VALENCIA – PAOLA HOLGUIN – MARÍA FERNANDA CABAL – IVÁN DUQUE MARQUEZ – THANIA VEGA DE PLAZAS – JUAN GÓMEZ MARTINEZ – JOSÉ GREGORIO HERNÁNDEZ GALINDO – JAIME CASTRO CASTRO – PACHO SANTOS – ALEJANDRO ORDOÑEZ MALDONADO –ALFREDO RANGEL – JOSÉ OBDULIO GAVIRIA – EL ALMIRANTE BACCI – EL CORONEL PLAZAS VEGA ´- EL GENERAL HAROL BEDOYA Y JAIME RUIZ BARRERA - JAIME ARTURO RESTREPO – MARTHA SOLORZANO – HELENA DE TROYA – MARIELA CESPEDES RICO - ANDRÉS USUGA – IVÁN DARÍO BOTERO R. – FRANCISCO BOTERO R. – CLAUDIA BOTERO FACIO LINCE – JORGE ENRIQUE MARTINEZ LEYVA – MAURICIO BOTERO R. – JORGE JIOVANI CORREA BERNAL – JUAN LOZANO RAMIREZ – MARTHA LUCIA RAMIREZ – ANDRÉS PASTRANA ARANGO, ERNESTO MACÍAS – JUAN CARLOS VÉLEZ URIBE, y tantos y tantos más, que me disculpan que en este momento no los mencione, pero que Colombia los conoce, y sabe mucho de ellos, y de ellas. Una mención muy especial, para el ex alcalde y ex senador LUÍS ALFREDO RAMOS BOTERO, a quien le amarraron las ALAS, pero jamás se las podrán CORTAR. Él volará y volará y llegará su momento de regir nuestros destinos, al igual, que ANDRÉS FELIPE ARIAS, presos por la alianza COMUNISTA, que se ha querido apoderar del continente, pero que poco a poco volverá al agujero negro del cual, nunca debió haber salido. JUAN MANUEL SANTOS Y LAS FARC, fueron arrogantes, y más que eso, PREPOTENTES. SANTOS (o Comandante Santiago, como de seguro le debe gustar que le digan), se gastó billones del patrimonio de la nación, aún incluso, en contra de los mandatos de la constitución y las leyes de la república, y por ello deberá responder (detrimento patrimonial y peculado, etc), ante las autoridades que por competencia, estén avocados a ello, so pena de quedar éstas, incursas en el delito de PREVARICATO. Alardearon con un acuerdo al mejor estilo, manifiesto comunista, sin contar con el pueblo al cual DESCONOCIERON; con él no contaron y poco o nada les importó. Ellos violaron los más elementales principios rectores de un acuerdo entre un Estado Democrático y unos terroristas, con los cuales NUNCA hemos estado en guerra. Ellos son unos vulgares criminales, que por natura, jamás podría reputarse fuerza beligerante, que solo se predica de los Estados o de confrontaciones internas con fracciones significativas de ciudadanos con ideales disimiles, que bien podría denominarse “guerra civil”. Santos apostató de un legado de SEGURIDAD DEMOCRÁTICA, que lo hizo presidente y que le fue entregado con honores por el GRAN COLOMBIANO, ÁLVARO URIBE VÉLEZ, y refrendado en las urnas, en su primer gobierno, por quienes, desde el pueblo, acompañamos al ICONO REPÚBLICANO de la COLOMBIA, en doscientos años. Por eso hoy rumia su derrota, al lado de falsarios de igual o peor talante, como ROY BARRERAS – ARMANDO BENEDETTI – JUAN FERNANDO CRISTO – LUIS CARLOS VILLEGAS – CLAUDIA LÓPEZ – ANGELICA LOZANO – MAURICIO –TITERE- LIZCANO, DILIAN FRANCISCO TORO, en asocio de organizaciones que deberían ser modelo de trasparencia y equidad, y no lo fueron. Emisoras y periódicos enmermelados – La “W” – Caracol Radio y TV – El Espectador El Tiempo – City TV – Sánchez Cristo – Felix de Bedout – y su mesa de trabajo – Dario Arizmendi Posada y la lista sigue, porque es muy grande. Nota aparte merece RADIO CADENA NACIONAL (RCN) radio y televisión, que se mostraron consecuentes con los principios y valores del periodismo, dando a conocer y presentando los diferentes puntos de vistas de los promotores, tanto del “SI”, como los del “NO”, al igual que a los terroristas de las FARC; y con ellos, al canal aliado NTN24 con la dirección de la periodista CLAUDIA GURISATTI BARRETO, quien brilla por su imparcialidad, incluso entrevistando a detractores suyos como el EX ELENO LEÓN VALENCIA y de seguro si le tocara, también lo haría con el “periodista DAVID BUSTAMANTE”, quien no le perdona, su coraje para entrevistar, hasta altos oficiales, comprados o subyugados por el gobierno, como el General ALBERTO JOSÉ MEJÍA FERRERO. Y como VALENCIA y BUSTAMANTE anotan: Ella hizo una entrevista periodística y no un INTERROGATORIO PROCESAL. 1) No es juez, ni fiscal; como tampoco abogada en audiencia, 2) Si es una periodista que no tiene que guardar, formulismos legales, ni hacer preguntas como las quisieran otros, entre ellos, ustedes. Estos DOS, puede que sepan quien es LENIN (les guía su credo); pero de seguro, no saben quién es CLAUDIA GURISATTI BARRETO, una de las damas del periodismo en Colombia, junto con ANA MERCEDES GÓMEZ MARTINEZ. ¿Y ahora entonces qué? Con amor patrio, HUMILDAD, y el más firme propósito de recomponer lo malo para llevar a Colombia a lo que Colombia quiere y anhela, la PAZ, pero una PAZ de verdad, y no la de los SEPULCROS BLANQUEADOS O LA PAX ROMANORUM O SANTIAGA, vamos con URIBE VÉLEZ a UN GRAN PACTO NACIONAL, que nos lleve a “impulsar los valores de la familia sin ponerla en riesgo…”, entre otras muchas más. El PLEBLISCITO se limitó a una SOLA PREGUNTA, que incluso fue manipulada en contravía de lo dispuesto por la Corte Constitucional, al inducir en el error al votante plebiscitario, cuando incluyó la PALABRA PAZ, que no estaba en discusión, pero no así, lograron su maquiavélico y mezquino propósito. Hoy no amanecimos LIBRES, como sería nuestro más caro anhelo; pero si con la esperanza de llegar a serlo, en términos de racionalidad y proporcionalidad de beneficios a unos CRIMINALES, que tienen que pagar por sus delitos y sus nombres jamás considerados para ser elegibles políticamente, ni beneficiarios de recursos del Estado, que vienen del pueblo. No a zonas de concentración y campamentos, y mucho, pero mucho menos, a UN TRIBUNAL DE JUSTICIA TRANSICIONAL, con integrantes extranjeros que violarían el principio sagrado de SOBERANIA NACIONAL y AUTODETERMINACIÓN DE LOS PUEBLOS, Y ARRODILLARÍAN A NUESTROS JUECES Y MAGISTRADOS NATURALES, con el agravante de ser escogidos a la medida de los terroristas, y para cumplir sus depravados y mezquinos propósitos, que no solo son la toma del poder por la vía de una FALACIA de PAZ, sino el REVANCHISMO contra el empresariado COLOMBIANO, que incluso en muchos de ellos, les creyeron sin tener conciencia, ni dimensión de lo que les venía pierna arriba. ÁLVARO URIBE VÉLEZ hoy sería un paria, y su cabeza pedida para el cadalso si el “SI” hubiese “triunfado, pero como no lo fue, se conserva como el hombre más importante de la HISTORIA de COLOMBIA y sus detractores, con la confianza, que en él, no encontraran vindictas, ni retaliaciones. ¿Por qué? Porque ÁLVARO no sabe de eso. Solo de AMOR por su pueblo. Se reorientarán las negociaciones en los términos que el pueblo votó. Se buscará la tan anhelada PAZ, rescatándose del acuerdo habanero los puntos en coincidencia, y suprimiéndose los que no. Muchos abogaremos para que se replanteen las negociaciones y que su sede, al menos lo sea uno o varios países que en su interior, se RESPETEN LOS DERECHOS HUMANOS. NI CUBA – NI NORUEGA Y MENOS VENEZUELA pueden serlo. Se le pedirá a la Iglesia y a la comunidad internacional, más prudencia y no apoyar para otros, lo que ellos, no estarían nunca dispuestos a conceder. No apoyar por una foto el despilfarro y la debacle económica de un país, que lo pueda incluso, llevar a ser inviable, como ad portas lo estuvo GRECIA. COLOMBIA por segunda vez, y todo de la MANO DE ÁLVARO URIBE VÉLEZ, sale de ser un PAIS PARIA, a un PAÍS VIABLE y con un inmenso futuro. GRACIAS PRESIDENTE Y ÉSTA PARTE DE SU PROPUESTA LO LLENA AÚN MÁS DE SU GRANDEZA. “El ex presidente Álvaro Uribe Vélez declaró desde su hacienda en el municipio de Rionegro (Antioquia), su satisfacción por los resultados del plebiscito de este domingo, en el que el "No" que impulsó su partido triunfó de manera tan estrecha como sorpresiva. "Queremos aportar a un gran pacto nacional". Dijo Uribe. “Sabemos que nuestras compatriotas del sí, al recibir nuestro mensaje de buena voluntad, nos escucharán y los escucharemos. Pedimos lo mismo al Gobierno". El jefe del Centro Democrático hizo eco a las declaraciones del ex vicepresidente Francisco Santos, el cual pidió una renegociación de los acuerdos de La Habana para "corregir el rumbo". Uribe pidió al Congreso medidas "de severa austeridad y destinadas a garantizar la inversión privada", así como "que no aumenten los impuestos" en una clara alusión a la reforma tributaria que se discutirá a partir de octubre. Uribe reiteró la necesidad de impulsar "los valores de familia sin ponerla en riesgo, los valores de familia defendidos por nuestros líderes religiosos y pastores morales" en un aparente guiño al ex procurador Alejandro Ordóñez. El expresidente también pidió "un alivio judicial que no sea impunidad" para los y saludó a todos los que apoyaron la bandera del "no", así como tendió su mano a los jóvenes. Finalmente, Uribe pidió respeto a la Constitución y a las instituciones”. Ahora y en cuanto a la invitación que hace “santos” presidente, o comandante, como me imagino le gusta que lo llamen, al orientador y máximo exponente de las libertades colectivas e individuales, éste debe entender, que los tiempos ahora ya no son de él, son del PUEBLO que con tanto desprecio DESCONOCIÓ. Debe saber que el equipo NEGOCIADOR se tiene que recomponer y ser liderado por un colombiano que quiera a su país, y no por uno que esté dispuesto a entregarlo, por un NOBEL, o prebendas millonarias en el exterior, o acaso, una CANDIDATURA PRESIDENCIAL. Esta VOTACIÓN, que representó el SENTIR más profundo de un pueblo, lo acompañó DIOS, que incluso, puso a su HURACÁN MATTHEW, a “votar” por el NO. El expresidente Álvaro Uribe Vélez declaró desde su hacienda en el municipio de Rionegro (Antioquia), su satisfacción por los resultados del plebiscito de este domingo, en el que el "No" que impulsó su partido triunfó de manera tan estrecha como sorpresiva, todo dado, por las ENCUESTAS compradas, que quisieron, estás si, dirigir las votaciones, como cuando “SANTOS” (Santiago), nos quiso llenar de pánico con una guerra Urbana que debería estar empezando hoy 03 de Octubre de 2016 si no le íbamos al sí. El pueblo con el no, se impuso por una inmensa mayoría. No fueron SESENTA MIL VOTOS, o un poco más, o menos, no. Fueron esos votos, más los que representaron el 30 – 40 – ó 50% que los encuestadores le dieron a la opción de GUERRA URBANA y de IMPUESTOS de su caído pos conflicto. TERMINO ITERANDO AL GRAN COLOMBIANO ÁLVARO URIBE VÉLEZ "Queremos aportar a un gran pacto nacional". Dijo Uribe. “Sabemos que nuestras compatriotas del sí, al recibir nuestro mensaje de buena voluntad, nos escucharán y los escucharemos. Pedimos lo mismo al Gobierno". El jefe del Centro Democrático hizo eco a las declaraciones del ex vicepresidente Francisco Santos, el cual pidió una renegociación de los acuerdos de La Habana para "corregir el rumbo". Uribe pidió al Congreso medidas "de severa austeridad y destinadas a garantizar la inversión privada", así como "que no aumenten los impuestos" en una clara alusión a la reforma tributaria que se discutirá a partir de octubre. Uribe reiteró la necesidad de impulsar "los valores de familia sin ponerla en riesgo, los valores de familia defendidos por nuestros líderes religiosos y pastores morales" en un aparente guiño al ex procurador Alejandro Ordóñez. El expresidente también pidió "un alivio judicial que no sea impunidad" para los y saludó a todos los que apoyaron la bandera del "no", así como tendió su mano a los jóvenes. Finalmente, Uribe pidió respeto a la Constitución y a las instituciones. Concluyo, solo diciendo, GRACIAS, a los votantes todos; lo hayan sido del “si” o del “no”, eso es DEMOCRACIA, y el triunfo que es del pueblo, con el compromiso sagrado que ello implica, se administrará, para ALCANZAR la PAZ, que tanto COLOMBIA ANHELA. IVÁN DARÍO BOTERO RODRÍGUEZ Abogado U. de M.
          LA PAX SANTIAGA        
Abril 21 de 2016 JUAN MANUEL SANTOS – EL JUGADOR DE POKER, MARCÓ LA TERNA Y SE BURLÓ DE LOS ABOGADOS DE COLOMBIA PARA ASEGURAR LA PAX SANTIAGA Hablar de DICTADURA para muchos ha de resultar desproporcional, sí cuando lo hacemos nos estamos refiriendo a COLOMBIA, constituida en REPÚBLICA el 17 de diciembre de 1819, y todo por cuanto el gobierno que nos manipula es de extracción popular (entendido pueblo como una masa amorfa manipulable y por Santos despreciable), que todo se le hace y él ayuda, porque cree que los “SAPOS”, son caviar, parecidos a la cocina Habanera y Castrista. El Ordenamiento jurídico colombiano es un canto a la bandera, que ya no se iza, sino que se Guiza en la mesa, antesala de un tratado SEPULCRAL. ¿Para que seguir hablando de Constitución y Leyes de la república? ¿O hablar de Bloque de Constitucionalidad? ¿Acaso esto sirve para algo? Al menos seamos honestos y en nuestra indolencia apática, reconozcamos que más, nos puede el miedo, a que nos pierdan, y solitos nos hemos perdido. Solo nos ha quedado lo poco, que siendo sinceros es mucho, de #ÁLVAROURIBEVÉLEZ y el CENTRO DEMOCRÁTICO, con Paloma Valencia y unos pocos más. Porqué son pocos, más, que más. De eso apuéstenlo. Es tan INANE, lo que tienen que decir los apostatas de todo un pueblo, que solo, le apuestan a atacar la gestión de la SEGURIDAD DEMOCRÁTICA, hablando mal de la LEY DE JUSTICIA Y PAZ, ésta sí, para la época, única en su género, y de extracción legislativa, sin AMNISTIAS, NI INDULTOS, y con penas privativas de la libertad intramurales. Valdría la pena un Derecho de Petición y mirar quienes en el Congreso la votaron a favor y así de una vez y por todas, legitimar a quienes pueden de verdad hablar, si fue que hablaron de ella, para negarla en el legislativo. Camaleones como Barreras y Benedetti, de seguro estarán en la lista de quienes la votaron a favor y ahora le apuestan a la traición entregando a Colombia a las ignominias de la barbarie terrorista, que sin rubor y con la complicidad de los negociadores apostados a cargo del gobierno, se victimizaron y en razón a esto, COLOMBIA, les ha salido a deber y con un presupuesto que no alcanza para su indemnización les entrega las instituciones de la patria, para que sin las armas se tomen el poder que no han podido lograr en casi sesenta años y los grupos empresariales de natura patria y los que del exterior le han apostado a lo nuestro, queden en sus manos. El Éxito – Corona – El GEA – Los Santo Domingo – Los Ardila Lülle Efromiovich (Avianca) – Los Azucareros – La Salud – Los Hidrocarburos – La Banca – El Comercio – Las Bolsas de Valores – La Infraestructura vial – La Educación – Las Relaciones Multilaterales – Los Medios de Comunicación – El Medio Ambiente, La Riqueza Aurífera, el Urabá Antioqueño, el Pacifico Chocoano, nuestros puertos sobre el Caribe y el Pacifico, etcétera – etcétera – etcétera y más etcéteras, serán parte de un pasado, que todavía hoy es un presente, y por su indolencia, pasarán a un FUTURO, que también será presente, pero ya no podrán hacer nada, porque la oportunidad les PRECLUYÓ. “Ya no valdrá, LLORAR, sobre la leche DERRAMADA y DECIR, les DIJE” Los que a tiempo se puedan ir, de pronto se salvan y lo que se queden, se pierden para los cultores de una historia bicentenaria y se ganan para un terrorismo sesentón. El terrorismo se ha encargado de invertir los valores, y lo que en otrora sirvió de slogan para combatir el DELITO, se convirtió en el marketing para acrecerlo. Antes se decía que “EL DELITO NO PAGA”, y hoy, no solo se dice que “EL DELITO PAGA”, si no que entrega el poder y los Estados para ejercerlo a su arbitrio. Estamos en la antesala de una PAX SEPULCRAL y llegaremos a una PAX ROMANORUM, la de los vivos que sin ser zombies, como tal quedaremos; muertos vivos, y muertos, muertos, que son los que en los sepulcros hallarán la paz pérdida de la vida. El TERRORISMO MUNDIAL no ha cesado en su propuesta diabólica y macabra de tomarse el poder, a través de cualquiera de las formas de lucha conocidas, reinventadas o inventadas para el futuro cercano. Esa es la PAX SANTIAGA; la que le corresponde presidir desde la legalidad, al presidente, y desde la clandestinidad, a ÉL mismo, pero soportado en su “alias”, de COMANDANTE SUPREMO, haciendo el juego macabro Cubanoide de los iguales de la Habana, hermanos Fidel y Raúl Castro Ruz, y aquí, con “EL GUERRILLERO DEL CHICÓ”, otra “sombra” como Martín, pero esta vez, llamado ENRIQUE. CARLOS ILICH RAMIREZ – LOS ETARRAS – SENDERO LUMINOSO – LOS TUPAMAROS – LOS SANDINISTAS – EL ESTADO ISLAMICO LOS FUNDAMNETALISTAS – EL COMUNISMO RUSO – CASTRO CHAVISTA – LA BOLIBURGUESIA Y EL CARTEL DE LOS SOLES VENECOS – EL SANTISMO CON EL CARTEL DE TESTIGOS FALSOS Y LAS INSTITUCIONES DEL ESTADO ALINEADAS A LOS PROPÓSITOS DE DOBLEGACIÓN, DE HUMILLACIÓN, SOMETIMIENTO Y ENTREGA, serán parte del “CULTO”, que se nos avecina a RENDIR. Todo esto es a lo que se le APUESTA, a lo que denominan los terroristas de la Habana, en complicidad con los Elenos y las ahora protagonistas BACRIM de la “U”, a que le demos la vía LIBRE, para que sea la revivida COORDINADORA GUERRILLERA, la que asuma la dirección de un Estado en una ANOMIA ABSOLUTA. LOS COLOMBIANOS SEREMOS LOS ÚNICOS QUE PODREMOS TOMAR LA DECISIÓN DE FONDO Y DECIDIR, SI DEJAMOS QUE NOS LAPIDEN EN VIDA, O POR EL CONTRARIO, ASUMIMOS CON HONOR LA CAUSA DE LA LIBERTAD Y LA PAZ, EN LOS TÉRMINOS DEL DERECHO INTERNO Y DEL DERECHO INTERNACIONAL HUMANITARIO, SIN COACCIONES DE ORGANIZACIONES NO GUBERNAMENTALES DE EXTREMA Y TERRORISTA IZQUIERDA. Por ahora tomemos atenta nota de lo que los cultores, estos, de una PAZ con DIGNIDAD y participativa con inclusión de todos los sectores sociales, nos ilustren, y tengamos a aquellas personas que les palpita el corazón de patria y les grita con fervor COLOMBIA. ÁLVARO URIBE VÉLEZ – CARLOS HOLMES TRUJILLO – PALOMA VALENCIA – ALFREDO RANGEL – THANIA VEGA – ÁNDRÉS USUGA – EL PATRIOTA JAIME ARTURO RESTREPO – HELENITA DE TROYA – FERNANDO LONDOÑO HOYOS – MARTHA SOLORZANO – IVÁN DARÍO BOTERO R., JORGE E. MARTINEZ LEYVA – ÁNGELA RUBY SALCEDO – JAIME RUIZ BARRERA – WILLIAM BOTERO GIRALDO – WILLIAM CALDERÓN ZULUAGA - ALFONSO PLAZAS VEGA – RAFAEL NIETO LOAIZA, CARLOS MARIO POSADA ESCOBAR, FRANCISCO SANTOS, ANIBAL GUERRA – MARIELA CESPEDES RICO – ALEJANDRO ORDOÑEZ MALDONADO - JOSÉ FELIX LAFAURIE - MARÍA FERNANDA CABAL - FRANCISCO BOTERO - MARTHA C. AGUDELO BOTERO Y MILLONES DE MILLONES MÁS. Las redes sociales son y seguirán siendo muy importantes como medio masivo de comunicación, pero no podemos quedarnos en ellas para lograr los objetivos de SALVAGUARDA de la INTEGRIDAD y SEGURIDAD de nuestra NACIÓN y de nosotros, sus NACIONALES. La VERGÜENZA que se caracteriza por el sonrojo del pudor, cuando se sabe uno equivocado, se ha perdido en los estamentos del Estado, y el paradigma de ello lo ha sido SANTIAGO, que se hace pasar por SANTOS, presidente. Los movimientos del POKERISTA de PALACIO, para asegurar la mácula institucional que nos traiga robustecidos y arrogantes a TIMOCHENKO – MARQUEZ y cuadrilla del MONÓLOGO DE LA PAX, se acaba de presentar con una inusitada perfidia mal copiada a lo Maquiavelo, cuando, INCURSO en PREVARICATO por OMISIÓN, dizque CONVOCA “a los abogados” de Colombia, para nombrar TERNA para la FISCALÍA GENERAL, por meritocracia y sin que nadie sepa cómo se dio el proceso de selección y descarte, para llegar a los que llegó; se queda con los CINCO que hace meses ya venían sonando, y de los cuales extrae tres, previa baraja de sus cartas ya MARCADAS, y se viene con unas perlas que en apariencia académica, son los mejores. MARTINEZ NEIRA – REYES ALVARADO Y LA CUOTA DE GENERO, MONICA CIFUENTES OSORIO. Los otros JORGE PERDOMO – y MARTHA LUCIA ZAMORA, salieron de la terna, pero no del juego. ¿Qué pasó con los restantes CIENTO CINCUENTA (150)? Digamos no más, ¿CIENTO TRECE, que cumplieron según se anunció con los requisitos? No puedo dejar de SENTIR PENA AJENA, al saber que decenas de INMÁCULOS JURÍSTAS se hicieron presentes a la convocatoria de manera INGENUA. ¿Con esa INGENUIDAD, cómo pretendían aspirar a ser FISCALES GENERALES DE UNA NACIÓN? Pero más allá de ello, la perversa mente de SANTIAGO PRESIDENTE, Y LOS ENMERMELADOS PERIODISTAS LE COPIAN para enredar aún más a un pueblo ÁVIDO de VERDAD – DE JUSTICIA – DE REPARACIÓN, y lo más GRAVE de una PAZ, que nunca llegará en su forma, ni en su fondo, porque no pasara de ser una PAX SEPULCRAL, si acaso es que llega. EL POKERISTA DE PALACIO MARCÓ LAS CARTAS Y TODOS LO SABIAMOS Y AÚN ASÍ LE HICIMOS EL JUEGO. ¿SERÁ QUE NOS MERECEMOS LO QUE NOS ESTÁ PASANDO, POR ESTÚPIDOS? Y LA PAX SANTIAGA se convertirá en definitiva en el REINO DEL NUEVO ORDEN MUNDIAL. “Puede que AMANEZCA; pero no puedo estar seguro, que veremos”. IVÁN DARÍO BOTERO RODRÍGUEZ Abogado U. de M.
          Winners and Losers        

The problem with “winners” is that the “losers” almost invariably seek revenge and retaliation.  
And when the “losers” eventually become the “winners,” the process recapitulates itself, ad infinitum.

Human beings seem to innately discern, very quickly, what is deemed to be “fair” or “not fair.”  
When someone believes they have been treated “not fair” the feelings engendered often are to “get even.”

By “leveling-the-playing-field” and “making the other guy pay” we seek to “even the score.”  Of course, a “tied-score” gets all combatants to “even” or the equivalent of being “zero-ed-out.”

At “zero,” there can be no compelling justification for “the thrill of victory” or “the agony of defeat.”
Recall that when the “score is tied” all players are “even.”

However, the moment one side has a “winning advantage,” the other side is at a “losing disadvantage.”
Hence, the famous clarion call: “desperate times call for desperate measures.”

It is my thesis that in each and every conflict, everyone is always right from their respective, point-of-view.
It doesn’t mean they are right, nor does it make them right, just that from their point of-view, they are right!

So if everyone is right, then who is wrong?
Is it the side with better arguments or the side with better armaments?

It occurs to me that when everyone is right, then no one can be wrong.
Furthermore, it is equally possible that the opposite holds true.

But if so, then whichever side insists they must be right is, also indicting itself, at the same time, as wrong!
Especially, if everyone is right from their own ’unit of relevance.”

We need to stop the madness!
We need to re-architect the structure of conflict, altogether.

I propose a “win-win” paradigm, whereby no party “loses” that which they can not and must
not “lose.”
The goal is for each “side” to subordinate pure self-interest to a “higher principle” which is “fair” and “honorable” from all points of view.

For this model to have value, the values of key stakeholders must seriously be listened to, heard and responded to...
Utilizing the same words and passionate feelings which fuel their initial and subsequent communications.

After “our side” communicates an understanding of the opposing point of view which is acceptable to the “other side”...
Then “our side” gets to communicate our point of view.

Worst case scenario would result in an ongoing “communication” as opposed to any “lack of communication.”
Best case scenario would result in each “side” “blinking” long-enough for tangible “concessions” to be made.

“Win-win” is then redefined as neither side losing that which they can not and must not lose.
However, there must be a multilateral commitment to “giving up” or “letting go” of something important for each of the parties.

After all, is this not the essential premise of what we mean by compromise?
“No side” gets everything they want, but “each side” gets some of what they need, at least, some of the time.

All parties “win” because no party “loses” so there are no “winners” and also there are no “losers.”
No need for revenge and retaliation, no need for “war” and no need for history to keep repeating itself again and again.

When conflict is predicated upon a stage of “fairness,” “honor,” and “justice for all,” then dialogue continues and mutual discussion ensues.
Peace results and obtains from a sustained commitment by all sides to compete with one another by cooperating.

When conflict is predicated upon the stage of “unfairness,” “dishonor,” and “injustice for all,” then dialogue ceases and mutual hostility ensues.
War results and obtains from a sustained commitment by all sides to cooperate with one another by competing.

The choices are clear: “compete to cooperate” or “cooperate to compete!”

What do you really win when you win?
Because today’s “winners” are tomorrow’s “losers;”
Because today’s “losers” are tomorrow’s “winners.”

“Winners” and “losers,” “losers” and “winners”...
And then the game never ends... unless and until it does!

Author Note: Dr. Larry B. Gelman is a Clinical Psychologist and a Personal Mentor


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          COMO CREAR UNA PYME EN CHILE        

¿Qué es una Pyme?
La sigla Pyme significa “pequeña y mediana empresa”. Según una clasificación del ministerio de Economía, una empresa pequeña es la que al año vende productos o servicios por valores entre 2.400 y 25 mil UF. Una empresa mediana vende entre 25 mil UF y 100 mil UF.
¿Cómo formar una PYME?
Debe decidir si formará la Pyme como persona natural o como persona jurídica:
  • Como persona individual primero debe iniciar actividades económicas ante el Servicio de Impuestos Internos (SII). Este paso es necesario para desarrollar cualquier negocio que genere rentas.
  • Como persona jurídica, es decir, como empresa o sociedad, primero hay que constituir la empresa o sociedad ante notario, y luego iniciar actividades en el SII.
¿Cómo se constituye una empresa o sociedad?
Se debe redactar una escritura de constitución de sociedad o empresa individual en una notaría, la que debe contener, entre otros:
  • Nombre de el o los representantes
  • domicilio
  • razón social
  • giro
  • patrimonio de la empresa (capital de inicio)
  • aportes de los socios o del empresario,
  • normas sobre administración, etc.

Lo ideal es constituirse como sociedad de responsabilidad limitada oempresa individual de responsabilidad limitada, para así no arriesgar el patrimonio personal, sino el de la empresa o nueva sociedad que se forma.
¿Necesito de un abogado para constituir la sociedad o empresa?
Sí, para la redacción de la escritura.
¿Cómo inicio actividades como particular?
Debe ir a la oficina del SII que corresponde a su domicilio y presentar:
  • Cédula de identidad.
  • Formulario 4415 (inicio de actividades) lleno y firmado.
  • Acreditación de domicilio mediante el rol de avalúo de la propiedad, certificado de avalúo, el último recibo de contribuciones de bienes raíces o inscripción en el Conservador de Bienes Raíces. Si usted no es el propietario del inmueble, debe presentar el contrato de arriendo firmado ante notario o una autorización del propietario para usarlo a título gratuito.
  • Además, quienes se dediquen a actividades de transporte, mineras o relacionadas con su título profesional, deben presentar documentación adicional.
  • Si usted emite facturas, un representante del SII visitará el domicilio para comprobarlo y deberá presentar las facturas de los bienes que venderá.
Este trámite se debe hacer a más tardar dos meses después de haber iniciado la actividad económica.
¿Cómo inicio actividades como persona jurídica (empresa)?
Debe ir a la oficina del SII que corresponde al domicilio de la sociedad o de la empresa y presentar:
  • Cédula de identidad del representante de la empresa.
  • Formulario 4415 (inicio de actividades) lleno y firmado.
  • Acreditación de domicilio mediante el rol de avalúo de la propiedad, certificado de avalúo, el último recibo de contribuciones de bienes raíces o inscripción en el Conservador de Bienes Raíces. Si usted no es el propietario del inmueble, debe presentar el contrato de arriendo firmado ante notario o una autorización del propietario para usarlo a título gratuito.
  • Antecedentes de constitución de la persona jurídica, como escritura notarial de la constitución, publicación en el Diario Oficial e inscripción en el Conservador de Bienes Raíces.
  • Si usted emite facturas, un representante del SII visitará el domicilio para comprobarlo y deberá presentar las facturas de los bienes que venderá.

Este trámite se debe hacer a más tardar dos meses después de haber iniciado la actividad económica.
¿Qué es el timbraje de documentos?
Un procedimiento para legalizar los documentos que acreditarán y respaldarán las operaciones comerciales que se hagan:
  • Boletas de ventas y servicios.
  • Boletas de honorarios.
  • Boletas de prestación a terceros.
  • Facturas.
  • Notas de crédito.
  • Notas de débito.
  • Guías de despacho.
  • Contabilidad en hojas sueltas con numeración única.
  • Rollos de máquinas registradoras.
  • Entradas de espectáculos.
  • Letras de cambio.
  • Pagarés.
  • Liquidaciones.
  • Libros de contabilidad empastados.
  • Facturas exentas de IVA (Impuesto al Valor Agregado).
¿Cómo se hace el timbraje?
Hay que dirigirse a la oficina del SII con los documentos a timbrar y:
  • Cédula de identidad de la persona o RUT de la empresa.
  • Cédula de identidad de quien realiza el trámite.
  • Formulario 3230 (timbraje de documentos) lleno. Se consigue en la oficina del SII o en Internet.
  • Ultima declaración mensual del IVA (formulario 29), en caso que corresponda. El formulario también se consigue en la oficina del SII o en Internet.
  • Carta poder notarial en caso de que el trámite lo realice un tercero.

Los contribuyentes que hagan inicio de actividades tienen derecho a que el SII les timbre de inmediato todas las boletas de venta y guías de despacho que sean necesarias para el desarrollo de su actividad comercial, salvo que, por causa grave justificada, el SII difiera el timbraje de dichos documentos hasta hacer la fiscalización correspondiente. Lo mismo pueden solicitar los contribuyentes que emitan facturas, siempre que éstas no den derecho a crédito fiscal.

Otra alternativa es emitir boletas o facturas electrónicas a través de Internet (www.sii.cl). Para ello debe suscribirse en el sistema de facturación electrónica del SII y realizar timbraje electrónico. A partir del 27 de marzo de 2011, quienes opten por realizar facturación electrónica tendrán derecho a que el SII autorice en forma inmediata la emisión de los documentos electrónicos necesarios para el desarrollo de su actividad.
¿Hay que obtener una patente?
Sólo si su negocio opera en un local fijo como un almacén, tienda o un restaurante.
Más información sobre patentes municipales.

Gracias a la Ley Nº 20.494, las municipalidades tendrán la obligación de entregar una patente de forma inmediatauna vez que el contribuyente haya presentado todos los permisos requeridos o cuando la municipalidad haya verificado por otros medios su cumplimiento, y siempre que no sea necesario que la Dirección de Obras verifique las condiciones de funcionamiento del local.

La inmediatez también es válida para patentes provisorias de locales que cumplan con ciertos requisitos sanitarios y de edificación. Además, para ciertas actividades que deben estar especificadas en una ordenanza municipal, la patente provisoria podrá otorgarse sin exigir que se cumplan los requisitos de funcionamiento. Sin embargo, la municipalidad debe exigir que tales requisitos se cumplan en el plazo máximo de un año desde que se otorgó la patente provisoria. Si los requisitos no están cumplidos para esa fecha, la patente caducará de forma automática e inmediata.

Si es necesario que la Dirección de Obras de la municipalidad deba verificar las condiciones de funcionamiento del local, tal acto deberá hacerse como máximo a los 30 días de otorgada la patente provisoria. Si dentro de ese mismo plazo la Dirección de Obras no hace observación alguna, o si derechamente no se realiza la verificación, y siempre que se hayan entregado los permisos sanitarios que correspondan, la patente provisoria se convertirá automáticamente en definitiva.

Si la Dirección de Obras hace observaciones, la patente provisoria extenderá su plazo por el tiempo que dicha dirección establezca para que se resuelvan las falencias (plazo que no puede ser de más de un año desde que se entregó la patente provisoria). Si las observaciones no pueden resolverse, o si se venció el plazo y no fueron resueltas, la patente caducará de inmediato.
¿Tengo que declarar y pagar impuestos?
Sí, todos quienes emprendan una actividad económica deben declarar y pagar impuestos según la actividad económica que desarrollen. En el caso de las Pymes, los impuestos que puede tener que declarar y pagar mensualmente son:
  • El impuesto al valor agregado (IVA).
  • Los pagos provisionales mensuales (PPM), que son un adelanto del pago del impuesto a la renta que corresponde declarar el mes de abril de cada año.
  • Declaración de impuestos (formulario 50), que se usa para declarar impuestos como renta a personas sin domicilio ni residencia en Chile, retiros programados, impuesto adicional a la renta y para aquellos contribuyentes que se dediquen al comercio de combustibles, tabacos, juegos de azar y otros.
  • Retenciones de segunda categoría (trabajadores a honorarios).
  • Declaración de renta, que se hace una vez al año.

Quien reciba una factura de inicio por adquirir un bien o servicio que deba pagar IVA, deberá también pagar este impuesto.
 
¿Cómo se declara el IVA, PPM y retenciones?
Esta declaración se hace hasta el día 12 del mes siguiente al período que va a declarar. Puede hacerla por teléfono, por Internet o en papel, mediante el Formulario 29, que se adquiere en quioscos.
  • Por internet: hay que entrar al sitio web del Servicio de Impuestos Internos (SII), solicitar el formulario 29, llenarlo, hacer un pago electrónico si corresponde y recibir el certificado.
  • Por teléfono: llamar al 188-600-0744744, ingresar su Rut y número de folio de alguna declaración de formulario 29 de los últimos seis meses, y seguir las instrucciones que escuchará.
  • En papel: compre el formulario en cualquier quiosco u obténgalo gratis en cualquier oficina del SII. Llénelo y preséntelo en algún banco. Si corresponde hacer un pago, puede hacerlo en efectivo o con un cheque cruzado y nominativo a nombre de la Tesorería General de la República, siempre y cuando el cheque sea del mismo banco donde está haciendo el pago.
¿Qué alternativas de financiamiento existen para las Pymes?
Los bancos ofrecen créditos Corfo a pequeños y medianos empresarios para financiar proyectos de inversión tanto en Chile como en el extranjero. Una vez obtenido, el pequeño empresario no puede pedir otro crédito hasta pagar el primero.

También existen una serie de fondos para el desarrollo de actividades económicas como:

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          Increasing food prices: what solutions to increase gains for rural poor and decrease risks for urban poor and developing countries?        
Dani Rodrik comment in a very insightful post a statement made by Mr Zoellick that show how many decision-makers does not understand neither what is going on in agricultural markets nor what will be the impacts on development and poverty of high prices. In fact, they merge the old discourse (high agricultural prices = gains for developing countries) with a new one (high prices = problems for urban poor). Either discourse it is true but we need an analysis that take into account both and that provide some solutions.

To start, we should remember three elements:

  • High food prices are caused by biofuels and emerging countries growing demand but also by speculation on commodities markets.
  • 2/3 of the poor lives in rural areas and depends on agriculture and many of the urban poor are former peasants.
  • Many developing countries, even if they are net importing countries, have still an important potential in expanding their agricultural production.

These elements mean that high agricultural prices are positive for most poor in developing countries but the risks are very high because urban poor uprising (caused by high food prices) can destabilize several developing countries.

This mean that we need to find solutions to reduce these risks and the adjustment costs. Developing countries need neither more food aid (which often create many problems) nor laissez-faire.

Developing countries need active rural development policies (founded also through Aid), which will increase their agricultural production (also by helping urban poor to come back to rural areas that they leaved) and some policies to decrease food prices in urban areas (notably by creating food stocks filled by national production). These policies need important resources that should be provided by bilateral and multilateral donors. The problem is that, even after the last World Development Report, I do not see an upward trend in Aid dealing with rural development and food policies in developing countries.



          Explaining the rush to regionalism to mainstream economists        

Mainstream economists simply do not understand why so many developing countries participated to regional integration processes.

In fact, according to neo-classic economists, Regional and Free Trade Agreements are only a second best solution compared with global free trade. Moreover, often they create trade diversion and they decrease overall welfare.

To understand the reasons and potential opportunities that regional integration we should remember two important elements:

  • Regionalism it is mainly about politics and regulating more effectively the global economy.

Regarding the political dimension, there are two quotations that help us to understand why developing countries pursue a regional agenda:

The myriad of forces that are present in “globalization” generate uneven impacts and opportunities both within and between states. One reaction to such unevenness is to advance regionalism to both contain and exploit globalization. Boas, Marchand and Shaw (2005, p. 168)

In a globalized economy, where countries individually have reduces options for national economic policy-making and where the multilateral institutions framework is insufficient or lacks a strong development dimension, the creation of regional institutions may very well be a pragmatic response, and its success would extend the principle of “adaptative efficiency” (1) to cross-border relations. UNCTAD (2007, p. 40)


In conclusion, mainstream economists should remember that in order to understand the reality we should adopt and interdisciplinary model based more on empirical evidence than on mathematical models. The consequence is that mainstream economists fail to aknowledge the large number of potential positive impacts of regionalism for sustainable development.

Footnotes

(1) According to UNCTAD “adaptative efficiency” is the strategy that was adopted by successful economies that means: “the capacity to develop institutions that offer a stable framework for economic activity, but at the same time are flexible enough to provide the maximum leeway for policy choices, at any given time and in any given situation, in response to specific challenges” (idem)


References

Boas M., Marchand M.H. and Shaw T.M., The Political Economy of Regions and Regionalism, New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2005

UNCTAD, Trade and Development Report, Regional Cooperation for Development, Geneva, 2007




          Multilateralism is not a goal per se        
Many scholars place at the center of their analysis the role of multilateralism. The last example that I red was a post from Richard Baldwin that considers regionalism only as a risk for multilateralism without thinking on its impacts on sustainable development.

Multilateralism should not be a goal per se but a governance tool to achieve sustainable development. It is true that, often, bilateral relations are more asymmetrical. Nevertheless, we should not forget that multilateralism is not a perfect democracy system: power asymmetries matters.

Even if the presence of a bad multilateralism is probably better than its absence, we should maintain our criticism regarding its function and how it works in the reality. In fact, as Cox underlined (1992, p. 496), in the post-World War II,

[…] economic multilateralism meant the structure of world economy most conductive to capital expansion on a world scale; and political multilateralism meant the institutionalized arrangements made at that time [after World War II] and in those conditions for inter-state cooperation on common problems. There was, for some people, an implicit compatibility, even identity between economic and political aspects of multilateralism: political multilateralism had as primary goal the security and maintenance of economic multilateralism, the underpinning of growth in the world capitalist economy.


Furthermore, the main goal of economic multilateralism was to ensure growth in developed countries even if this depended on keeping developing countries in a poverty condition. The problem is that there is not alternatives to multilateralism even if South-South regionalism can help to solve some problems. We can only try to reform it.

In fact multilateralism is still crucial because, as Cox (1992, p. 492) pointed out:

multilateralism can only be understood within the context in which it exists, and that context is the historical structure of world order. But multilateralism is not just a passive, dependent activity. It can appear in another aspect as an active force shaping world order


Multilateralism it is not good per se. It should be assessed against another normative principle: sustainable development.

Economic multilateralism, if we use this kind of assessment, does not achieve spectacular results in the last decades. In fact, it does not avoid the rising asymmetries and inequalities at the world scale. What is more, the only countries that succeed in economic development (i.e. emerging countries) did it by breaking many multilateral rules (WTO agreements, World Bank advises, etc.).

Nevertheless, now multilateralism is changing. The rise of emerging countries change the power equilibrium in global governance institutions. In another post, I will try to assess if this phenomenon is positive or negative for others developing countries.

Bibliography

Cox, R. W. (1992), Multilateralism and world order. Review of International Studies , 18 (2), 494-523


          WTO Agricultural Negotiation Update        
Yesterday, the WTO released the following news on the advances of agricultural negotiations of the Doha “Development” Round:


Intensive consultations among a group of importing and exporting countries will be allowed to continue for a few more days in an effort to achieve a breakthrough that would also allow progress in the agriculture talks as a whole. By 31 March or earlier New Zealand Ambassador Crawford Falconer, who chairs the talks, will reconvene multilateral talks so that representatives of the full membership can negotiate the outcome and continue with other major issues, leading to a revised draft blueprint of the final deal. That is what he concluded after hearing members’ comments on 14 March 2008.

For more information and to listen Mr Falconer declarations go to this WTO page.

We will see if this process will create a breakthrough in the negotiations. Personally, I am not very confident that this will happen at least for two reasons:
  1. There are still a large amount of issues where Members have very far positions.
  2. An important number of Members (e.g. the US) have not enough political will to agree on the necessary concessions.

Furthermore, in the last seven years I heard many times that a breaktrough was feasible and that they will respect a dedline that they agree. Almost every of these deadlines were posponed. They lose their credibility. Nevertheless, a miracle or a surprising outcome it is always possible as the Uruguy Round showed us.


          South-South Regional Integration: 11 Potential Positive Consequences for Sustainable Development        
« The myriad of forces that are present in “globalization” generate uneven impacts and opportunities both within and between states. One reaction to such unevenness is to advance regionalism to both contain and exploit globalization ».
Boas, Marchand and Shaw (1)

Regional integration becomes very popular among developing countries since the second half of the 90s. This surge of regional agreements, often related to trade, revived a debate on their impact that started with the creation of the today European Union. The surge of regionalism among developing countries it is very important, notably because it contribute to change the geography of trade, growth and power at the global level.

I will focus on South-South regionalism because North-South FTA and RTA pose a number of problems that I will deepen in another post.

The general debate on regionalism was unfortunately hijacked by mainstream economist that they use their standard econometric models (that oversimplify the reality) to find out if such agreements had a positive or negative static welfare impact at the global level. More precisely, they try to understand if regionalism was a stumbling or a building block for multilateralism and to implement free trade globally. This debate was started and driven by Bhagwati (2).

This debate was really partial for the following reasons:

  • It assesses the impact of regionalism only against multilateralism. Nevertheless, multilateralism and free trade are not goals per se. They are tools to improve living conditions of people around the world. We need to assess regionalism considering if it can help to reach sustainable development goals.
  • It takes into consideration only economic and, more precisely, trade dimensions of regionalism. In spite of that, reality tells us that regionalism phenomenon is more complex. In fact, it includes political, social and environmental goals that we will further develop in this post.
  • It uses very imprecise methods to assess regional integration processes. In fact, mainstream economists use econometric tools that can only assess static economic output. Yet, we now that dynamic outcomes are more important and, what is more, we need to take into account both economic and political process to effectively assess an issue.

Nowadays, this old style debate it is still alive. However, new studies with a more interdiscip